Banaras – City of Light

Title: Banaras – City of Light
Author: Diana L. Eck
Publisher: Penguin, 2015 (First published 1983)
ISBN: 9780140190793
Pages: 427

The root of the Sanskrit word ‘Kashi’ (Banaras) is ‘kash’ which means luminant. Literally, this may refer to the legendary jyotirlinga which is said to have filled the city in the beginning of time. Setting aside the myth, Kashi was the source of light that illuminated the religious life of Hindu India. People from all walks of life flock to Varanasi for pilgrimage. If they could die in the city, moksha was guaranteed to them. Hundreds of temples, ashrams, ghats and religious seminaries sprang up in due course of time. This refreshing book is a study and interpretation of Banaras from the standpoint of one who acts as a bridge between the Hindu and Western academic and religious traditions. It examines all origin myths connected to the birth of the city, the temples for their significance to specific rituals or legends, the practices and objectives of pilgrims and also how this city, liberating one from the ties and knots of life repeating again and again, is reconciled with the general philosophical outlook of Hinduism. Diana L. Eck was professor of comparative religion and Indian studies in the department of South Asian studies at Harvard University. She has written three other books on Hindu religious tradition. She has also worked commendably for American religious pluralism.

India is very diverse and has had political unity only for a very short time in its history spanning several millennia. But one thing Hindu India has held in common is a shared sense of its sacred geography (p.38). There are pilgrims who would carry a pot of Ganges water from the Himalayas all the way to Rameshwaram in the South in order to pour that water on the Shiva linga there. And from Rameshwaram they would carry the sands of the seashore back to deposit in the Ganges on their return north. Pilgrims who visit Kashi stand in a place empowered by the whole of India’s sacred geography as it is a single place that embodies all tirthas of India. The rise and sanctity of Kashi is simply beyond easy comprehension. Eck quotes a missionary who commented on it and put in such a way that it can’t be improved upon. His remark was that ‘when Babylon was struggling with Nineveh for supremacy; when Tyre was planting her colonies; when Athens was growing in strength; before Rome had become known or Greece had contended with Persia; or Cyrus had added lustre to the Persian monarchy or Nebuchadnezzar had captured Jerusalem and the inhabitants of Judaea had been carried into captivity, Varanasi had already risen to greatness, if not to glory’.

The author has gone into the details of worship of deities in Kashi. The number of deities is considerably small even though they are adored in numerous aspects relevant to a tale or incident in the epics. It is generally accepted that Kashi is the city of Shiva where the other gods have no jurisdiction. Even the god of death Yama is powerless here and Shiva himself is believed to chant the sacred mantra to cross the ocean of worldly ways to attain bliss into the ears of the dying. Anyone who dies in Kashi is said to attain nirvana straight away. However, it is not the city of Shiva alone. He shares the place with the whole pantheon of gods without rancour. The so-called Shaivism and Vaishnavism go hand in hand here. To an outsider, Kashi may appear as a disordered, crowded jungle of temples. But to those Hindus whose vision is recorded in the mahatmyas of Kashi, these temples are all part of an ordered whole with its divine functionaries and its own constellation of deities. Their vision is embodied in the sacred geography of the city. The deities of Varanasi envelope the entire spectrum of Hinduism which even contains goddesses or yoginis whose origins were non-Vedic and non-Brahminical. These are found in abundance here.

While remaining the most important religious centre of Hinduism, Varanasi was also a place of substance for Buddhists where Buddha had delivered his first sermon at Sarnath. It had a significant Buddhist presence until the twelfth century CE, when Qutb ud-din Aibak’s armies demolished Sarnath as well as Varanasi’s great temples. While the Hindus recovered from the blow, the Buddhist tradition which was dependent entirely upon its monks, monasteries and centres of learning was virtually eliminated (p.57). The book then glances upon the devastating centuries in which Muslim powers ruled over the ancient city and either destroyed or converted many ancient temples as mosques. In a classic case of understatement, Eck remarks that ‘the Muslim centuries were for the most part hard’ (p.83). The temples of Kashi were destroyed at least six times during these years. Muhammad Ghuri, Firuz Shah Tughlaq, Mahmud Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, Sikandar Lodi, Shah Jehan and Aurangzeb destroyed the temples on a large scale. Aurangzeb was very particular in razing prominent temples including Vishweshwara, Krittivasa and Bindu Madhava. Their sites were forever sealed from Hindu access by the construction of mosques. Aurangzeb even named the city Mahmudabad but the name didn’t stick (p.83). The situation is so pathetic that there is no religious sanctuary in Varanasi now that predates the time of Aurangzeb. So exhaustive was the destruction wrought by this Mughal.

The author has visited all the religious places described in the book and asserts how effortlessly they blend with the cosmopolitan faith of the devotees. She confesses that ‘some of the temple I sought out, which had clearly been important in the era of the Sanskrit literature, no longer exists. Some such sites are now occupied by mosques’ (p.xiv). Despite its fame, today’s Vishwanatha temple has none of the magnificence, architectural splendour or antiquity as India’s great classical temples in Odisha or South India. Today, atop the ruins of old Vishwanatha temples, sit two different mosques, one built in the thirteenth century by Razia and one in the seventeenth century by Aurangzeb (p.120). The mosque of Aurangzeb is said to have transformed the old Hindu edifice without entirely purging its soul. One wall of the old temple is still standing, set like a Hindu ornament in the matrix of the mosque (p.127). The book also places on record the universal reverence the city of Kashi evoked from all parts of India. An inscription of twelfth century in South India records that a certain king of Karnataka set up a fund to help the pilgrims of his area pay the Muslim-imposed tax so that they could visit Vishweshwara in Varanasi (p.132).

It is a great blessing for Hindus to live and die in Varanasi. Then why doesn’t everybody live there? This book looks into the intricacies of lore and finds that Dandapani, a member of Shiva’s entourage, is the judge in this matter. He is the divine sheriff who sees into the many lifetimes through which a person has travelled. From Dandapani’s divinely advantaged point of view, the learned Brahmin may be no better than the poor beggar. Life and death are two simultaneous aspects of living in Varanasi and it is also a living and transforming symbol with double-edged power. Several tirthas with life-giving waters of creation and also the cremation grounds with its burning fires of destruction and liberation occur side by side here. One need not travel the globe in search of the sacred, for he has come to Kashi. Other sacred places of India are replicated in the city, be it tirthas, temples, lakes or even geography. Varanasi is witness to the union of Shiva and his Shakti and is a visible and earthly ford in the crossing to the far shore of liberation. The relevance of Kashi in the philosophical scenario of Hinduism is also examined. If one internalizes the truly luminous wisdom, he need not go on a pilgrimage anymore; and yet pilgrims continue to come to Kashi to walk on its streets, to bathe in the waters, to see the divine images and to see the city itself. Banaras is a good place to die and this fact makes it a good place to live. Moksha is only the last of the four stages of life. Only by ripening the fruit of life in each stage is one truly ready for the fruits of death. The throbbing heart of the book is the part which links Varanasi to the pulsating life of the society living within it. Kashi is not the city of moksha alone; it belongs to dharma and kama also. In India, kama is more than sexual pleasure. It is the attitude that informs all that people do for the sheer love of doing it, all that they enjoy simply because it is enjoyable. It is also the aesthetic enjoyment of music or art. Kashi is famous for its traditions of music and dance. Its courtesans in history were famous and wealthy right from the time of Buddha himself.

This book is a mandatory read for anyone who wants to understand the city better and to feel the spirit of the city in a meaningful way. A tourist to the place should read this book. So does a pilgrim, an administrator, a politician, a student or even a businessman. Whatever may be their field of specialty, everybody who treads the ancient streets and bylanes of Kashi should try to grasp something of the soul of Kashi, for which this book is absolutely essential. It observes that ‘there’s little in the world to compare with the splendour of Banaras, seen from the river at dawn’. Likewise, it provides other perspectives to comprehensively absorb the psyche of the city. It includes several illustrations of notable places of Varanasi made by James Princep, who was an archaeologist, numismatist and epigraphist, in the early nineteenth century. The book was first published 41 years ago in 1983, but due to its fame as the ‘eternal city of India’, all parts of the book and its descriptions stay relevant and applicable with little modification or revision.

The book is highly recommended.

Rating: 5 Star

The Case That Shook India

Title: The Case That Shook India – The Verdict that Led to the Emergency
Author: Prashant Bhushan
Publisher: Penguin Viking, 2017 (First published 1978)
ISBN: 9780670090051
Pages: 314

India awoke to freedom at midnight while the world was sleeping on the fifteenth of August, 1947, as extolled poetically by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. 28 years later, on a hot summer day in June, it tumbled and fell headlong into a dictatorship instigated by his daughter and grandson. The dark night that began on June 26, 1975 would run till March 20, 1977, when the ruling party and its authoritarian prime minister were voted out of office by an indignant populace. Indira Gandhi’s era marked the pinnacle of military glory for India in the spectacular victory over Pakistan in the 1971 war. In fact, a triumph of this scale was not witnessed within a thousand years. But that was the only saving grace of her disastrous stint as prime minister of India. Having no regard for political ideals or personal integrity, her rule pushed Indian polity to the lowest depths of corruption, nepotism, separatism and sycophancy. Her populist policies devastated Indian economy in the name of socialism and put the country at least two decades behind among the world’s financial powers. In 1991, Narasimha Rao reset all that she had initiated in the 1970s and steered India back into the path of progress. Indira’s declaration of Emergency in 1975 was caused by many factors, the most serious among them Opposition protests that were growing in vehemence and stridency each passing day over price rise, loss of employment and grinding poverty. However, the proximate cause of the nation’s tipping over to dictatorship in 1975 was a court case in the Allahabad High Court in which a judge invalidated her election to parliament in 1971 which took away her claim to continue in office. This book is a detailed narrative of the case right from its filing in 1971 and till it was quashed on appeal in the Supreme Court in 1975. This is authored by Prashant Bhushan who is the son of Shanti Bhushan who was the lawyer of Indira’s opponent who argued the case against her. The junior Bhushan relies on the notes he had prepared in court while the advocates were arguing the various aspects of the case and his own father’s legal notes. This book was first published in 1978 immediately after lifting the Emergency and reprinted in 2017. You can find reviews of several books on Emergency in this blog, but this book is totally different from others as it has solely focussed on the legal aspect. Prashant Bhushan is a public interest lawyer in the Supreme Court of India most known for cases such as 2G and coal scam during the Manmohan Singh era. He is a vocal critic of Narendra Modi and the NDA government.

To say that the case against Indira Gandhi was sensational would be an understatement. The entire nation looked eagerly upon Allahabad as every legal point or loophole was assiduously dissected by both sides. It was the only hope of an Opposition that was suffering from a lack of leadership – or, the excess of it, depending on which way you look at it. The people’s verdict was crystal clear. Indira won by bagging 60 per cent of the popular vote in Rae Bareli constituency in 1971 trumping over the combined Opposition’s candidate Raj Narain. Shanti Bhushan was the senior counsel for Raj Narain who was confused on how to go forward in the case at first. The first draft of allegations claimed that magic ink was used in printing of ballots on special paper. This erased the mark stamped by voters while the pre-printed voting mark for Indira would become legible after a few days. This claim was so outlandish and ridiculous that it was dropped by the petitioner immediately and instead they focussed on corrupt electoral practices of Indira by exploiting her position as the prime minister of the country. The case trial lasted for four years in which four judges heard the arguments, the last being Jag Mohan Lal Sinha who pronounced the judgement in 1975. Oral evidence was recorded between August 1974 and January 1975. Indira Gandhi herself appeared in High Court for two days and bungled under cross-examination. Justice Sinha held Indira guilty and set aside her election as void and disqualified her from holding office for six years. However, he stayed the execution for twenty days for filing appeal in the Supreme Court. Justice V R Krishna Iyer of the Supreme Court formally stayed the High Court order but restrained Indira from voting in parliamentary proceedings. She declared an internal Emergency in retaliation and suspended the Constitution. She convened the parliament after jailing many opposition members and passed an amendment of all provisions of electoral laws on which she was disqualified with retrospective effect from 1971. This would have forced the Supreme Court to have no alternative than to validate her election. Not content with this, she introduced and passed the 39th Constitution amendment in just three days which forbade challenging the election of the prime minister in a court of law. So, by the time the Supreme Court convened to consider her appeal, she had changed all laws and even the Constitution itself to force the court’s hand. Bhushan explains the arguments and logic heard in both the courts.

Even though Indira Gandhi undoubtedly misused her power to quash the legal proceedings against her, the Allahabad High Court’s order also seems to be not furthering the course of justice. By setting aside a candidate’s thumping electoral victory over a minor technical issue, the High Court, in my opinion, acted irresponsibly and committed an equal misuse of power. Yashpal Kapoor, who was an officer-on-special duty in the Prime Minister’s Secretariat, was the electoral agent of Indira Gandhi. He resigned from his government post on Jan 13, 1971 whose resignation was accepted on Jan 25 with retrospective effect from Jan 14. He was not paid after Jan 13, nor did he attend office thereafter. However, the court refused to accept the retrospective part of the order and decided that Kapoor was still in official service till Jan 25. This made all political work done by Kapoor between Jan 14 and 25 a corrupt practice. The electoral laws applied from the date a person ‘held himself out’ as a prospective candidate. One would have expected this to come into force after the elections were officially notified on Jan 27. Justice Sinha made a strange observation here too. Court decided that the election became in prospect right from Dec 27, 1970 when the previous Lok Sabha was dissolved! Two days after the dissolution, on Dec 29, Indira Gandhi had replied to a question in a press conference that she doesn’t intend to change her constituency. Court presumed this to be her holding out as a candidate even though she was nominated by the party only four weeks later. Both these decisions made her electoral work a malpractice and corruption under law. Why did the court act in this obscure way to invalidate a clear selection made by the people? Reading between the lines, a motive is faintly visible to discerning readers. What follows is my own assessment and it is only an informed guess. This hostility might be a strike back by the judiciary for superseding three senior judges in favour of Justice Ajit Nath Ray for promotion as the Chief Justice of India in 1973. Justice K S Hegde was one of the overlooked judges. He had made an interim judgement in favour Raj Narain on a minor issue related to the same case that had gone to Supreme Court for consideration in March 1972. Ray’s appointment evoked strong resentment in the legal community and it is probable that some of the decisions against Indira Gandhi was coloured by this sentiment. In a total departure from precedent, Justice Bhagwati held in another election case involving a politician named A N Chawla that any expenditure by anybody in favour of a candidate as coming under his expenses. This clarification was made in Oct 1974 while Raj Narain’s case was pending in the High Court. Justice Sinha took cognizance of this judgment and added some more expenditure to Indira Gandhi’s account even though she still barely managed to be within the limits. All these point to the sad conclusion that the court too had exceeded its limits on legal propriety in this case.

The book provides a stark reminder of how large was Indira’s ego that brooked no obstacles and wanted total obeisance from all arms of the state, including judiciary. The 39th constitutional amendment was passed only for validating her election and forbidding anybody from questioning it in future. That both houses of parliament and half of the state legislatures ratified this piece of legislation in just three days shows the obsequiousness of her party whose leaders danced to her tune. The latter half of the book is dedicated to the appeal proceedings and the petition challenging the constitutional validity of the 39th amendment in the Supreme Court. Those who are not familiar with the scene of action in court would find it curious and a bit amusing to note the clarifying questions asked by presiding judges to the pleading counsels which sometimes appear to be naïve and childish. One judge asks, “if a company spends money on a candidate, is it an offence under penal code”? “Yes”, replies the petitioner’s advocate. The judge then asks to the astonishment of readers as to “how can the company be jailed or hanged”? The counsel then informs him that the person responsible for the acts of the company can be punished (p.231).

The book includes a foreword by M. Hidayatullah, former Chief Justice of India and former Vice President of the nation, who was a legal luminary. The only thing that is added to the previous edition is a preface to the 2017 edition which is penned by Prashant Bhushan. As can be expected, he assails the Modi government on long-standing issues and suggests unrealistic and unworkable proposals to reform even the fundamentals of elections in such a way that no party would ever gain an absolute majority in the parliament which would push the nation into confusion and policy paralysis. Of course, the judiciary and the lawyers would have a dream time deciding even minor issues as all disputes would have to be eventually settled in courts. His suggestion to adopt the proportional representation system of Switzerland is laughable, considering the size and nature of the two societies. This is all the more comic when one remembers that women were allowed to vote in Switzerland only in 1971. Many discussions inside court which are presented in the book involves the landmark Kesavananda Bharati judgement of 1973 in which the Supreme Court constrained the Parliament's power to amend the Constitution only to those provisions which are not part of the basic structure of the Constitution. At first glance, this may seem normal and even a healthy check on the House’s unbridled power. But the sting in the tail is that it is only the judiciary which can pronounce whether an amendment violates the basic structure or not. This plain usurpation of democratic powers by a few unelected judges who are accountable to none still continues. Parliament needs two-thirds majority to amend the Constitution, but a division bench requires only a simple majority to pronounce it ultra vires. Of course, Bhushan supports judiciary’s enhanced powers, but the danger is clearly visible. Two decades later, judges took upon themselves the power to appoint those who would succeed them. The collegium system is so opaque that it is not even amenable to judicial review. Still, the Supreme Court thinks that it does not violate the basic structure! The book is quite readable even though many legal points are minutely described. An epilogue on what had happened to the new laws and amendments introduced by Indira Gandhi after the Janata Party came to power could also have been included.

The book is recommended.

Rating: 3 Star

The Buddhist Landscape of Varanasi

Title: The Buddhist Landscape of Varanasi
Author: Vidula Jayaswal
Publisher: Aryan Books International, 2015 (First)
ISBN: 9788173055416
Pages: 220

Varanasi is not just the holy city of Hindus. Buddhism also locates some of its holiest spots in or near the city. It was at Sarnath – a few kilometres outside the city – that Buddha preached his first sermon upon attaining Enlightenment at Gaya. Varanasi was a prominent city in Buddha’s time as well regarding the presence of learned scholars on religion, rich merchants to support the congregation and political power to patronize the new movement. That may be why the Tathagata chose to trek the 250 km path from Gaya to a place called Rishipattana which was famous, quite literally, as the abode of sages. Sarnath is nearby this town and the Buddha thus embarked on his noble work of ‘turning the wheel of Dharma’. Jataka stories contain the quintessence of Buddhist thought and a large many of them are narrated to have taken place at Varanasi, which was the capital of the Kashi kingdom. Prof. Vidula Jayaswal taught archaeology at the Banaras Hindu University for nearly four decades and has considerable field experience at her back. She is the author of eighteen books and research monographs. This book is a snapshot of her work which identified the hamlet of Aktha near Sarnath as the ancient town of Rishipattana. The sacred architecture of Sarnath as well as the ancient remains of Varanasi which provides the backdrop of Jataka stories is covered in this nice book. It is basically a monograph that emerged from a number of short articles which the author presented in national and international seminars on Buddhist art, archaeology and culture. It is aimed at reaching a larger section of society interested in Buddhism and Buddhist sites.

In the early part of the book, the nature of state formation in the Ganga plain is described. This took place around the seventh century BCE in two distinct clusters – janapadas which were monarchical and ganas that were republican. Kashi was ruled by a king. Then she explains why Varanasi was significant for Buddhism to a great extent and to Jainism also to a lesser extent. Both Buddha and Mahavira came to Varanasi. Apart from the former’s First Sermon at a deer park called Mrugadaya at that time and later known as Sarnath, Varanasi was also the centre of origin and development of religious thought, intricacies of skilled handicrafts, performing arts, trade and commerce. The city was the foremost urban conglomeration right from Late Vedic period. Sarnath flourished between the time of Ashoka (third century BCE) when he built stupas and religious buildings there to Kumaradevi (one of the queens of Gahadvala king Govindchandra, twelfth century CE) when the last of the structures were built there. This book covers the entire time span of these fifteen centuries.

The ancient geography of Sarnath is examined in the book. The land contained many forest patches and a deer park named Mrugadaya might have come up. There was a settlement of sages named Rishipattana nearby, mentioned in Buddhist texts such as Mahavastu written in Sanskrit. The rationale for this place in becoming a resort for rishis was that it was situated at the junction of major trade routes passing through Kashi janapada. Even now, major highways pass near the town and their prototypes might have served the population in the second millennium BCE. The visit and stay of rishis and learned masters helped the town to gain the reputation of being a centre of wisdom. That may be why Buddha chose to preach his First Sermon there. The author has personally led excavations in the fields from 1994 and came out with the conclusion that Aktha is the modern face of the ancient Rishipattana. However, she has attempted to squeeze scientific test data into the straightjacket of established historical theories. Carbon 14 tests on the earliest remains at Aktha showed habitation from 1800-1450 BCE. This is in conflict with the much controversial Aryan Invasion theory which proposes that people should have settled in Varanasi a good five centuries later. Still, the author makes a compromise to settle the site’s ancestry in the Later Vedic period (1400-1000 BCE). This is in stark contrast to Carbon 14 data in a vain bid to salvage the Aryan Invasion theory. Considering that the research was funded by American/British agencies such as the Ford Foundation, this is expected. But the undisguised truth is that the middle Ganga plain was inhabited much before the dates which are postulated by this colonial-era theory.

A rather unique feature of Sarnath is that we have eye-witness accounts of how that place looked like in the remote past. This is from the descriptions of Fa Hien in fourth century CE and Xuanzang in the seventh century CE. Both these scholars had come from China with the intention of collecting the greatest number of documents related to Buddhism and to hold extensive discussions with its teachers. Sarnath being one of the cardinal places of Buddhism, both the Chinese travellers paid a visit to the place. Xuanzang says that the Ashokan column was standing at a majestic height of seventy feet which ‘glittered in the light’. Archaeologists have discovered the remains of the mentioned buildings and structures. On the other hand, the destruction and pilferage that happened in British times should force the colonial administrators to hang their heads in shame. Jagat Singh, the dewan of the local zamindar Raja Cheta Sign, scavenged the Sarnath stupas in 1794 for material to build a market nearby. He pulled down the Dharmarajika stupa and the vacant circular pit is now called the Jagat Singh stupa! In 1835, a British army engineer named Alexander Cunningham recovered a circular sandstone box from a stupa which contained pearls, silver, gold and three pieces of human arm bones. He also threw 48 statues and many other sculpted stones into the Varana river to erect a bridge over it (p.61). In the medieval period, vandalism of these sacred structures was carried out even by kings. Akbar built an octagonal tower on top of the Chaukhandi stupa in 1588 to commemorate an earlier visit of his father Humayun to the place. The fortunate part is that even though a Mughal, he didn’t bring it down.

In a fine example of archaeological detective work, Jayaswal pieces together the chronological sequence of construction of various structures in Sarnath which she categorizes into five time periods titled Maurya, Sunga, Kushan, Gupta and post-Gupta/early-medieval periods. There is a tendency among Left historians to claim that kings who favoured Brahminical practices did not contribute to build new Buddhist monuments. This fallacious notion arises from the anachronistic projection of the mores of a future era into the distant past. Since the distinctions between Hinduism and Buddhism are clear-cut now, they mistakenly assume that it was always so. This is wrong and the author writes about contributions made by Sunga kings who were thought to be anti-Buddhist. Some additions and constructions of railings had taken place at Sarnath in this era. It is also established that the stupa at Bharhut and the railings and gateways of Sanchi stupa were built in the Sunga period. This demolishes the myth of Sungas’ persecution of the Buddhists. The book also points out a hint to the development of Varanasi, which is outside the pail of Sarnath, as a place of brahminical worship. The growth of Shaivism during the reign of Vasudeva of the Kushan dynasty might have resulted in the decline of Sarnath and growth of Varanasi as a major centre of Shiva worship in the second century CE.

The author ingeniously attempts to link her research in archaeology to the very fundamental plane of Varanasi’s establishment as a major religious place. In this regard, she tethers her findings to places mentioned in some Jataka fables such as the fish that refused to move to the river when draught desiccated the muddy patch in which the fish ordinarily stayed. Readers get an impression that she has found that muddy patch! Even the presumption that tales involving mice and tortoises can be linked to archaeological discoveries is highly awkward. Jayaswal investigates into the origin and development of artisanal sculpture work at Varanasi. Demand for donation of icons from large beneficiaries like merchants created a flourishing of sculptural art in Sarnath in the Gupta period. Earlier, idols carved in Mathura were brought to Sarnath for installation. However, with the development of local industry supported by rich sandstone quarries at nearby Chunar, we see idols made locally. Lowering or almost closed eyes, divine smile and wet transparent drapery are some of the typical features of the Sarnath style. The book surprisingly does not bother much on the reasons why the Sarnath establishment collapsed in medieval period. In around thirteenth century CE, the flourishing Buddhist infrastructure here appears to have lost its glory (p.200). But what were the causes of it? The author makes a feeble guess that ‘whether the power of the Brahminical followers was the cause of the uprooting of the Buddhist establishment is difficult to ascertain’. This hypothesis is plainly ridiculous. There is evidence that even in the twelfth century CE, Brahminical followers contributed generously to it, such as the installation of the Kumaradevi stupa. Why should they rescind their patronage all of a sudden? Seeing her great reticence even to discuss the causes of Sarnath’s downfall, it is likely that Muslim invasions might have had a role in it. I am not suggesting it has, but the author’s squeamish efforts to slide this issue under the carpet make one suspicious. In an earlier chapter, she says that Akbar had made some modifications in the stupas without commenting on it.

The book incorporates several panoramic pictures of the archaeological work in Varanasi, Sarnath and their neighbourhoods. The level of competence of the people engaged in excavation and analysis are commendable in comparison to the haphazard British efforts in the colonial era. Even though being an established professional in the field, Jayaswal has been very careful to omit technical jargon as far as possible. Several photos and diagrams are included to complement the arguments in the text. The effort is a very fine example of the revival of Indian archaeology after independence. It is also a stark reminder that some of the real treasure underground may now have been lost forever as human habitation is overwhelming the sites before a detailed study could be carried out. The author’s effort to estimate the magnitude and capacity of the sculptural workshops in the Gupta period based on the present conditions of similar shops is somewhat bold and optimistic, yet is quite logical as the level of mechanization is still low.

The book is strongly recommended.

Rating: 3 Star

Unravelling the Silk Road

Title: Unravelling the Silk Road – Travels and Textiles in Central Asia
Author: Chris Aslan
Publisher: Icon Books, 2023 (First)
ISBN: 9781785789861
Pages: 334

In its strictest historical sense, globalization is not a new or even modern concept at all. Exchange of products and services coupled with transfer of wealth across administrative frontiers is what we call globalization now. It does not need ships, aircraft or the internet even though these would greatly aid the trade. In fact, man traded across his tribal borders most of the time and a nation is a somewhat larger tribe. Textiles, spices, tools and jewellery were some of the material interchanged. Central Asia was a major land route of caravan trade between India and China on the eastern side and the Roman Empire and medieval European kingdoms on the western part before maritime navigation had not developed. Out of the cargo, textiles comprised of wool, silk and cotton in the chronological order. The history of the discovery of these materials and how it transformed the societies through which it was carried through provides intriguing reading. Chris Aslan was born in Turkey and spent his childhood there. He lived in the deserts and mountains of Central Asia for fifteen years and still returns regularly to the region. He is a British national. The author has embroidered the wool, silk and cotton roads with his own experiences of living in the region. The book focusses on the crossing points of the roads in Central Asia rather than their termini.

Aslan was drawn to Central Asia as part of his doctoral research in the years following the collapse of the Soviet Union. There was not much appeal for democracy in these republics and all of them became ensconced in the palms of former communist party officials who ruled them like dictators. The author first took up a job for promoting tourism in Khiva, Uzbekistan with tenure of two years which got extended to fifteen years. He was involved in work that touched the soul of these lands. He set up a project for de-hairing the fibre from the wool collected from yaks known as yak down. The down is one of the lightest, warmest fibres in the world, three times warmer than sheep wool. This was commercially harvested only from the 1970s and is still often passed off as cashmere. However, the raw fibre is scratchy because it contains the rugged outer hair. Separating this irritant thing is a very tedious process which the author established in the barren landscape of Uzbekistan. History records that Babur employed slaves to do this all day and usually ended up with half a kg a day. Aslan worked in Central Asia under the aegis of a Swedish organization called Operation Mercy which the author glosses over as a Christian organization. Probably, this was an evangelist outfit engaged in religious conversion and missionary work on the sly. This is all the more prescient as the author was expelled from all three countries in which he worked – Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan – for causing social unrest as claimed by the governments and in one case for translating the Bible to the local language.

The Central Asian republics still show scars of Russian colonialism first under the Tsars and then Communists. The Tsars annexed these lands in a bid to extend their borders to the Arabian Sea. This put them on a collision course with British colonial regime in India who was trying to nibble its way towards the north, in opposition to the Russian move. This hide and seek match which was the Cold War of the times is called the Great Game. The Bolsheviks employed great effort to settle the nomads and turn them into agriculturists. What began as incentives later transformed into coercion since the nomads were not eager to change their traditional ways. Anyone who owned more than 400 cattle were termed ‘class enemy’ and forcibly dislocated to gulags in Siberia. In an assault on the family unit, wives could be spared exile and destitution only by divorcing their husbands. Stalin launched his notorious five-year plans in 1929 with forced collectivization at its core. All nomads in Turkestan were expected to settle in collective farms. Under-resourced, badly planned and without adequate housing, these farms failed. Livestock died, crops failed and everyone starved. This entirely avoidable, manmade famine killed 1.5 million people but Stalin achieved his objective of largely wiping out nomadism. Family businesses in handicrafts like silk weaving were banned by the Communists as part of an attempt to break down pre-Soviet society and force them into factories instead. Centuries of artistic skill and talent was destroyed along with the complex guilds and training mechanisms that passed down these skills (p.182).

Even though the book’s title flaunts silk prominently, it is not the sole point of concentration in the text. Even then, it describes the various stages of silk production right from the hatching of eggs. The voracious appetite of silkworms is legendary and Aslan narrates some first-hand experiences of dealing with these useful insects. Ancient China was the birthplace of silk and they jealously guarded its production a secret from the outside world. The book includes some stories that look more like legends about how silk eventually transgressed the Great Wall. The Roman Empire was a huge consumer of Chinese silk. One bolt of silk was worth then around 60 kg of rice. Several bolts made up a bale and large camels could carry 250 kg on a long journey. The immense profit accrued on these hazardous journeys across the deserts of Central Asia was worth the risk in attempting the trade. The risk was enormous – an unexpected dry well in an oasis could end up in the death and destruction of the whole caravan. By Justinian’s time, silkworm eggs reached Constantinople and silk-weaving industry flourished in the metropolis. They found the maritime route quicker and more economical. Silk Road then fell into decline. This was not a single long road; it was a network of trading routes. The name was coined only in the nineteenth century.

The book gives equal emphasis to cotton in the narrative. It also brings out the ecological damage this fibre is causing to desiccated Central Asia. Cotton requires ten times as much water as wheat. Scarce water resources were diverted to cotton fields through canals to irrigate them. The Aral Sea, which is a land-locked water body that is roughly the size of Sri Lanka, dried up as a result of this water diversion. The book describes the author’s visits to former harbour towns where the rusting boats are stranded now in the middle of the desert. It we look at the history of cotton, it is seen that exploitation was woven into its fabric from the colonial times. Colonialism exploited India for getting raw cotton, African slaves were captured and transported to the New World to grow cotton and British children were exploited in appalling conditions in the textile mills of Manchester. Cotton manufactured in mechanized looms in the British Northwest undercut Indian produce and India was deindustrialized. Workers went back to fields for cultivation again which ushered in a doomed period of misery and abject poverty. Aslan finds a piece of Dhaka Muslin cloth which is a rare specimen of cotton that is extremely densely woven but exceedingly light and almost transparent. It was worth sixteen times the price of silk. Amir Khusrau noted that a hundred yards of it could pass through the eye of a needle and is described as ‘webs of woven wind’. Only one type of cotton plant found in the hot and humid banks of Brahmaputra and Meghna rivers could create a thread fine enough to make Dhaka Muslin. Production of just one bolt of it could take five months of labour. The type of plant that produced Dhaka Muslin fibres cross-pollinated with hybrid American upland cotton and became extinct. The last of the muslins was woven in the 1860s. Now, a search is on for rediscovering the plant. The book includes a photograph of Dhaka Muslin in a London antique shop. It is so translucent that the glint of the gold ring on an attendant’s finger behind the fabric is clearly seen on the other side.

The book provides a pleasant reading experience and almost a tactile feel of the dressing material described in exclusive detail. Many years of stay and intermingling with local people enable Aslan to dwell authoritatively upon the cultural practices as well as handicrafts. The magical charms used by the Central Asian people to ward off the evil eye makes for a nostalgic touch as we encounter many similarities to those in India. The author had a very adventurous life in living with nature. He was once gored by a yak which mistook his approach to her kid as with malicious intent; had scorpion stings on his chest; swam across the Panj river into Afghanistan which was frequented by narcotics smugglers and had crossed an ice-cold rivulet on a yak while clinging to the herder who was driving it. The author has made a very thorough research for this book and has given many remarks made by early European explorers in nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries to leave an impression that these societies were by and large static and not much has changed. Several good books of this genre are listed in the bibliography. On the negative side, the nitty-gritty of weaving a cloth or carpet may be boring for the ordinary reader when it is repeated many times as they will be having no clue of the technical names of the weaving process or machinery.

The book is highly recommended.

Rating: 4 Star

Aryans

Title: Aryans – The Search for a People, a Place and a Myth
Author: Charles Allen
Publisher: Hachette India, 2023 (First)
ISBN: 9789357312684
Pages: 387

The word ‘Aryan’ rose to prominence in European languages by mid-nineteenth century as denoting a race destined to rule over the others. It was virtue of the superlatives they possessed in every factor that ensured a competitive advantage in the fight for survival – such as intelligence, physique, beauty, language and organisation. This was part of a post-factual justification after the Industrial Revolution had made Western Europe prosperous and thriving on colonialism. Concepts of the unadulterated genome of the master Aryan race widely circulated leading to the growth of Nazism in its most horrific form in Germany as well as racism on a full spectrum from the very mild to eugenics in other countries. At the same time, the term ‘Aryan’ was being used in Sanskrit literature for several centuries to denote persons marked by noble demeanour and deeds. When language families were discovered by early Orientalist scholars, they clubbed Indo-European languages under the misnomer of Aryan. The desire of the British colonial regime to legitimise their rule in India was the driving force behind the colonial masters’ research pursuits into India’s religion and sacred literature. Without any credible scientific evidence to support it, the British fabricated the Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) which postulated that the Aryans who came from central Asia had colonized India much before the British did. It also questioned Indians’ moral high ground as the original inhabitants. However, as more evidence was collected over the subsequent decades, not only a hole but a huge crater was formed in this argument. This book is a recent effort to vindicate the racially tinged fantasies of imperialist scholars trying to establish the central Asian or south Russian ancestry of Aryans and their ‘invasion’ of India. Charles Allen is the author of a number of best-selling books on India. Two of his books Ashoka and Coromandel were reviewed earlier in Aug 2014 and Dec 2021 respectively. His lasting legacy lies in a series of books about British involvement in India and the effort of early Orientalist scholars. Allen died in 2020 while the book was almost complete. It was edited by David Loyn who has authored the Introduction to this book.

Allen confesses three motives for writing this book. The first and foremost is that he was sorry at the way professional historical research has been ‘hijacked’ in India by the Hindutva movement which deny the influx of Aryans. The second is to give his opinion on how the word ‘Aryan’ became so prominent in the West as a racial indicator and the final reason is his love of archaeology. As a result, this book has a clear political intent and is a tool to influence public opinion in India possibly in view of the general elections in 2024. Can you believe that this book on a people who lived three millennia ago talks about the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of India and Narendra Modi? The author also admits that he was greatly influenced by Marxist interpretations of history along with those of other Left-leaning historians such as Eric Hobsbawm and Christopher Hill in his student days (p.176). At the same time, he shows clear traits of white supremacism in his undisguised contempt for Indian scholars and unflinching belief that only the Western scholars understand Sanskrit texts even though it was only the Indians who regard them as sacred. He stoops so low as to abuse critics of Max Muller by calling them ‘zealots’ (p.62). To keep his exit route clear, he then accepts as true their allegations against Muller that he was employed by the colonialist English East India Company to translate Sanskrit texts for the company’s use at the exorbitant rate of GBP 4 per page (equivalent of GBP 800 today) but justifies this robbery of India with the flimsy argument that each page took weeks to produce and the entire project took 25 years to complete. The nostalgic part was that I still remember a researcher from my graduation days who took this much time to complete a project. ‘Why don’t you Indians just shut up and be thankful to the white colonialists who compiled your sacred books at the cost of your freedom?’ is the refrain that resounds silently and between the lines in the entire book.

The book offers a very fine overview on archaeological finds in the former Soviet republics in Central Asia which broadly bear the title of ‘Kurgan’ culture. The places he describes include Arkaim, Yamnaya, Ordek’s Necropolis and Hallstatt. These may be excellent for Google explorers to have a wonderful visual experience visiting these sites in cyberspace. At this point, Allen succumbs to the usual folly of armchair enthusiasts to link two concepts solely relying on how their names sound similar. The Yamnaya culture in Ukraine is examined in interesting detail showcasing the pit-grave burials characteristic to this culture. The author then irrelevantly burps out that ‘in a clear link with South Asia, Yama is also the Hindu god of death’ (p.179). This is only a pipedream as ‘Yama’ in Ukrainian only means a ‘pit’. Allen continuously uses such tricks to fool gullible readers into believing his outrageous conclusions. However, the author also points to the truth in some unrelated parts of the book as if to ease his conscience. He admits that the progress of Proto-Indo-Iranian people (the primal group which split into Aryans in India and Ariyas in Iran) has left little physical trace (p.207). It is also conceded that horse burials are totally absent in India but was widely practised in central Asia. The book cites a medieval Scottish document which recites their migration myth and concludes this as definite proof of how the Aryans migrated from Russian steppes to Scotland (p.128). Here again, words resonating similarly in Old Norse and Sanskrit are considered as enough evidence of their mythologies also being similar (p.133). The German archaeologist Friedrich Klopfleisch, who unearthed several ancient pottery from burial mounds in Jena in nineteenth century is introduced to us and then makes a strange claim that ‘Klopfleisch quite rightly believed them to be speakers of proto-Indo-European and thus ancestral Germans’ (p.143). How could he conclude like this? Can you deduce the language spoken by a person long dead, just by looking at his mummified bones and a few potsherds he used while alive? Inconsistencies similar to this one plague this text in its entirety.

A detailed narrative on the development of Aryan racial feeling in Europe and the appropriation of its supposed symbols by the Nazis and racists are found in this book. Racist thought developed in mid-nineteenth century Europe through the writings of Comte de Gobineau. He found enthusiastic admirers in Nietzsche, Richard Wagner and other thinkers. With German unification in 1871, patriotic sentiments fertilized the hope of descending from a master race (ubermenschen). Germans thought they were destined to bring in a new world order by conquering others by their racial superiority. German society was willing to absorb notions of Aryan supremacy and to suspend belief in matters of national self-image. This book proves that the four-handed Nazi symbol which is commonly confused with the auspicious Hindu symbol of Swastika is in fact ‘hakenkreuz’ (hooked cross). The hakenkreuz symbol was used in the coats of arms of many German municipalities even before theories of Aryan origins had emerged. Hitler had a personal connection to this symbol. The hakenkreuz was prominently displayed in the Lambach monastery where Hitler served as a choir boy. The symbol was engraved on a heraldic shield which was the personal seal of Theodorich Hagn, abbot of the abbey from 1856 to his death in 1872. This makes it obvious that the accursed Nazi symbol has no relation to India or Hinduism. Allen also examines how the false link between ‘Aryan’ and race came about. The word ‘Aryan’ comes from Sanskrit and Avestan where it changes to ‘Ariya’ in the latter. Both these languages give the meaning of ‘good or noble people’ or the ‘venerable ones’. Max Muller postulated that the Indo-European language was spoken by an Aryan race erroneously assuming that the speakers of similar languages were united by blood as well as tongue. But by the end of nineteenth century, consensus emerged that ‘Indo-European’ referred only to a language or group of languages rather than a people. Racist thought had far advanced in Europe by this time portraying the Aryans as a ‘tall, pale-skinned, blue-eyed, fair-haired, clever and martial race’. Muller later corrected this by clarifying that by ‘Aryan’ he meant only language and not race, but the damage had been done.

As noted earlier, this book begins with a political promise that it is a propaganda piece against Hindutva in India, which is alleged to have a xenophobic agenda and lack of respect for Western scholars specializing in Sanskrit. However, Allen confuses Hindutva with Hinduism proper and considers the religion as part of the game and hence a legitimate target for attack. He accuses that ‘intolerance of the Other and the persecution of minorities have been a feature of Indian society not just for centuries but for millennia’ (p.280). This is shocking as India was famous the world over as a safe abode of minorities facing persecution at home. The funny thing is that just four pages before, on p.276, he excitedly informs us about the excellent preservation of Parsee culture in India whereas it had crumbled in its homeland of Iran. As noted in para 3 above, this book is full of such gaping inconsistencies and glaring contradictions. More than that, he uncritically retells half-truths such as crossing the sea resulted in loss of caste and asserts that only the Paraiyar outcastes engaged in it. He is totally unaware of the robust Gujarati merchant class that flourished in East Africa and the Middle East without losing their ‘caste’. Read Chhaya Goswami’s excellent book ‘Globalization Before Its Time’ reviewed here in Dec 2020. Allen puts Swami Vivekananda in a bad light by asserting that he ‘used publicity photos to sell himself to the public’ as ‘a clean-shaven and muscular modern Guru’ (p.293). He accuses ISKCON for ‘helping bring the chauvinist and sectarian Hindutva repackaging of India’s history into the mainstream’. The chapter on ‘Holy Cows and Gurus’ is a brazen attempt to paint a black picture of all great leaders India admire and respect such as Dayanand Saraswati, Tilak, Swami Vivekananda and Aurobindo. After this tirade, the author arraigns against some Indian freedom fighters who died fighting for their motherland. Allen calls them ‘hotheads led by Tilak’s call for violent action’ and notes with smug satisfaction that ‘they were tried and hanged’. He doesn’t mention their name, but is obviously referring to Chapekar brothers who killed W. C. Rand who used vandalism and assault on Indians while working as the Plague commissioner.

The chapters on Indus Valley Civilization and its archaeological remains is a rigmarole of wrong conclusions and even plain ignorance. This book admits that John Marshall’s excavations at Mohenjo Daro were chaotic without any concern for stratification. In short, Marshall’s work was qualitatively more like tilling a farm field than archaeology. Even then he came out with a result which the author grudgingly concedes as something which ‘came as a gift from heaven to the ideologues of the nascent Hindu nationalist movement’ (p.214), because it buttressed their ‘Out of India’ and ‘No Aryan Invasion’ hypotheses. Swastikas were also found on Indus seals. Allen is also confused about what he is trying to establish and confirms at one point that ‘there may have been fighting [between Aryan invaders and original inhabitants of Indus Valley] but few today believe that Aryans put a sudden stop to the Civilization’ (p.217). While balancing the evidence offered by cultural specimens, he claims that the Daimabad Charioteer is an Indus legacy, but this area in Maharashtra was not inside the Culture’s accepted geographical range. In fact, this argument only strengthens the Out of India theory. When unable to find a plausible provenance for the famous ‘Dancing Girl’ sculpture of Indus Valley, he puts forward the silly argument that ‘they were not locally produced’ (p.222). Is he hinting that Amazon and FedEx had a pre-historic franchisee in Mohenjo Daro? Another fallacious and unsubstantiated conjecture is that the people of pre-Aryan Indus cities were lactose intolerant because ‘there is evidence that they produced ghee, which is lactose-free’ (p.230). By the same logic, a country which manufactured insulin must be full of diabetics! When DNA sequencing was done on a female skeleton found from Rakhigarhi, it ruled out any link to Central Asian genes. Allen accepts only those genetic studies done by western academics like David Reich as authentic while the strong protests against his work from Indian researchers are ignored. Based on this cherry-picking and shaky evidence, the author concludes that prior to 2200 BCE, there had been no admixing between original inhabitants and incoming Aryans whom he calls ancestral south Indians (ASI) and ancestral north Indians (ANI) respectively. Then in one instant they mixed like the flick of a switch and immediately stopped mixing thereafter till modern times due to the development of caste system. So embarrassingly naïve is Allen’s grasp of Indian society that I seriously doubt whether he has understood the concept of caste.

 The author tries both sides of the argument of Aryan invasion to see which has better purchase. If he cannot find remnants of Central Asian practices in India, he is equally willing to transport Indian practices there. He then makes a pointless claim that caste system was part and parcel of the proto-Indo-European worldview and cites the two respected groups of druids and mounted knights in ancient European societies as forerunners of Brahmins and Kshatriyas. He invents another category of his own as ‘workers’ to rise the count to three and then atrociously claims that a French mythologist Georges Dumezil who lived in India in the 1920s recorded only three divisions in Indian society. The claim is that since Dumezil has said so, it must be so. Such is the level of white supremacism seen in this book. The skin tones of Aryans also do not match his narrative. Rig Veda describes god Indra as pot-bellied and ‘tawny-skinned’ (brown coloured). This is thought of as the model of a marauding bronze-age chieftain. This human figure is not white, blonde or tall as he ascribes to Aryans in the early chapters. The author also tries to improve upon the Parsee holy book Vendidad by claiming that the sequence of migrations of its early ancestors is not correct and suggests a new itinerary whose only relevance is that it agrees with his theory. Max Muller described the soma plant mentioned in Rig Veda as a creeper, but Allen thinks it is a fleshy, twig-like bush. Either Muller or Allen must be true, but not both. Maps given in the book are not effective in monochrome and the marked regions are difficult to differentiate. Altogether, the book is designed more as a wrecking ball on Hindutva than to serve any constructive purpose. Its sole aim is to debunk the Out-of-India theory that is gaining momentum. It is also an example of the folly that is produced by a scholar whose outlook is blinkered with politics.

The book is still recommended for the fine introduction to archaeological finds in Central Asia.

Rating: 2 Star

Sir C P Ramaswami Aiyar – A Biography

Title: Sir C P Ramaswami Aiyar – A Biography
Author: Saroja Sundararajan
Publisher: Allied Publishers, 2002 (First)
ISBN: 8177643266
Pages: 778

‘Diwan’ was the official title of the prominent minister of a king in an Indian state before all of them were folded down in the 1950s. If you ask a person from Kerala to name a Diwan he can think of, it is absolutely certain that the first or even the only name that comes to his mind will be that of Sir Chetpat Pattabhirama Ramaswami Aiyar (1877 – 1966), commonly known as Sir CP. He was well known for his keenness, intelligence and extraordinary charm. As in this book, ‘he was very intelligent and could not be hoodwinked; he was incorruptible and could not be purchased; he was superhumanly courageous and could not be blackmailed’. Sir CP founded many industries in Travancore and his visionary outlook in developing the state’s infrastructure is legendary. However, you won’t see a picture or bust of him in any public place in Kerala which has erased him from public view. He had the misfortune to cap his long association with the state with a severe calling out on the repressive measures he initiated to suppress the democratic aspirations of the people. He successfully contained a communist uprising in Punnapra-Vayalar, but then turned against the national movement too by advocating independence for Travancore when the British left. This was the proverbial last straw. An assassination attempt on his life took place, after which he resigned from his position as Diwan and left Travancore. This book sums up in around 700 pages the tumultuous life of this great scholar-intellectual who was once known to the British as ‘the cleverest man in India’. Saroja Sundararajan is a distinguished administrator and researcher from Tamil Nadu. She served as the principal of several colleges for 26 years. She has several books of a biographical nature to her credit.

This book provides a good overview of CP’s childhood, education and law study without delving into too much detail. His latter day fame as an authoritarian seems to have been moulded from his student days when he was under the control of his strict, disciplinarian father. To prevent the boy from dozing off while studying, a special lectern was made in which he had to stand all the while he was reading. However, he was mindful of serving the society. He joined the Servants of India Society run by Gokhale after graduation. A short while later, he abandoned it and returned to legal profession as per his father’s persuasion. CP joined the Indian National Congress in 1904, two years after becoming a lawyer. He attended the 1907 Surat conference and many such meetings in the following years. He drafted the Lucknow Pact of 1916 which reconciled the Congress with the Muslim League. He was one of the general secretaries of Congress along with Jawaharlal Nehru. CP associated with Annie Besant and engaged in nationalistic work letting go of a lucrative legal practice. Anyhow, it must be stressed that his social work was not full time and he found enough opportunities to engage in legal work commissioned by very prominent clients.

The author does not say so plainly, but CP was disillusioned with Congress following the ascent of Gandhi and his agitation based on mass participation which invariably ended up in violence even though professing lofty platitudes on ahimsa. Sundararajan notes that ‘by the turn of 1918, CP dissociated himself from Congress owing to various factors’ (p.55). These ‘factors’ are not clearly elucidated. It’s a puzzle that the author is reticent to disclose them even after the lapse of a hundred years. Congress had demanded immediate provincial self-rule at that time which was in stark contradiction of its resolve taken a few months back contemplating a gradual takeover. Hardening of such a nationalistic line made several eminent moderate men to leave the party. This was the time when the non-Brahmin movement was gaining momentum in Tamil Nadu. They targeted CP for being Brahmin – or rather, a successful Brahmin – and subjected him to ridicule and criticism. This bordered on intimidation and physical violence that he started carrying a gun with him in 1920. The non-Brahmin movement is not to be confused with Dalit activism. This was an association of non-Brahmin castes of Hinduism, many of them upper castes themselves, who treated the untouchables with equal or perhaps a little more contempt than the Brahmins. CP then turned to government work and was elected to the provincial legislative council in 1920. In the 1923-28 period, he was appointed the advocate general of Madras and later the Law Member of the Governor’s Executive Council. This is equivalent to a ministership in today’s Indian states. At this point, he was instrumental in clearing the Mettur and Paikara dam projects of their legal hurdles. As a kind of promotion, he was elevated to the Viceroy’s Executive Council as Law Member in 1931 which is equivalent to a union cabinet minister today. CP was a close associate and friend of Lord Willingdon when he was the Madras Governor and later as Viceroy. When India was taken out of the fiduciary gold standard and the economic problems developed, Willingdon was on the verge of resigning his post in protest. It was CP who persuaded him to stay on. Even after he left for England, Willingdon closely followed CP’s work in the press with keen interest and provided feedback occasionally. CP was transferred to the Railways and Commerce portfolio in 1932. He was the first lawyer deemed fit to fill that post. The entire British administration evaluated him as ‘the ablest man in India’.

CP had confessed that there was an autocrat in him. This autocrat had his most fulfilling incarnation as the Diwan of Travancore. This job appealed to CP’s heart who returned to it many times after temporary assignments elsewhere. However, Travancore proved to be his nemesis. Had it not been for Travancore, CP would have had a glorious career in post-independent India. CP was fiercely loyal to Maharaja Sree Chithira Thirunal and his adamant upholding of independence for Travancore as per the Maharaja’s wish cost him the goodwill of eminent statesmen who came to power in Delhi after the British left. This book presents a true picture of CP’s involvement with Travancore. Even before his elevation as Diwan, CP intervened with Viceroy Willingdon and high officials in Delhi in advancing the investiture of Chithira Thirunal by as much as ten months, ending the regency of the Maharaja’s aunt. (More stories on the palace intrigues can be obtained from Manu S. Pillai’s ‘The Ivory Throne’ reviewed in December 2019 and ‘History Liberated: The Sree Chithra Saga’ by Princess Aswathi Thirunal reviewed in July 2024). As Diwan, CP instituted many reforms in the social, political, industrial and commercial frameworks of the princely state, the most important being the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936 permitting entry of untouchable Hindus inside temples. It was the Maharaja’s initiative as well, but some caste Hindus blockaded CP’s house in protest. His granddaughter, a baby of three years, sustained a fracture on her elbow at that time by falling into a pit in the backyard. The crowd prevented her from being taken to hospital chanting ‘let the granddaughter of untouchable CP die’ (chandalante pothi marikkatte, p.317). The child suffered a permanent deformity on the elbow which she later jokingly referred to as her ‘temple entry elbow’.

The book aptly describes the very strong antipathy of Travancore’s Christian community against CP who tried to curtail the unbridled proselytization and mass conversions in the state. Schools run by the Church received aid from the state but imparted Christian religious education to all children with an eye to ‘catch them young’. The percentage of Christians in the population of Travancore made a quantum jump from 20.6% in 1891 to 31.5% in 1931 and that of Hindus dwindled from 73.2% to 61.6% in the same interval. In 1936, the government forbade schools to be held in churches, places of worship or prayer houses. While instituting compulsory primary education, the 1945 educational reforms withdrew grant-in-aid to schools which taught religion. Churches came out strongly against it but CP stood his ground. The Temple Entry Proclamation closed the tap which supplied converts to Christianity. Piqued by the Proclamation, the Christians of Mankompu desecrated a bust of Chithira Thirunal. CP built a police station there and took strict action (p.324). The inveterate hatred of Travancore State Congress (TSC) towards CP was said to be fed by some Christian leaders in the top rung. The Church used British dignitaries also to their aid. Emily Kinnaird, an English lady and MP, freely indulged in a false but vicious propaganda against CP and Travancore itself by accusing them as anti-Christian. Questions were raised in British parliament on ‘persecution’ of Christians in Travancore. The book includes a long chapter on the liquidation of the Travancore National and Quilon Bank and the imprisonment of its Christian proprietors after a long court battle. They had attacked CP through their newspaper ‘Malayala Manorama’. The author claims that CP had no role in the bank’s unravelling and that the law had merely taken its course. But it is likely that CP was the brain behind the initial run on the bank and its eventual collapse.

Sir CP’s descent to disaster began in 1939 when public demands for responsible government became louder and more strident. Confrontations with TSC on the streets upset the tranquillity of the state. CP tried to downplay popular sentiment as roused by Christians on a communal agenda. The author also follows this line, but it seems not true. All sections of the society came out in support for the agitation. CP gagged several newspapers for reporting on the struggle or criticising him. The trait of authoritarianism was becoming clearly visible. There was also a spat with Gandhi around this time. In 1939, Gandhi advised CP to resign as Diwan as he had ‘heard disparaging remarks about his private character from reliable sources’ (p.377). CP began sounding out on the constitutional changes required in Travancore in view of India’s impending independence. Right from the beginning, he was very vocal against the British model having an executive responsible to the elected legislature. He favoured an irremovable executive with no dependence on legislature modelled on the US Constitution.

The ten months from October 1946 to July 1947 were epoch-making in Kerala history for the lightning pace at which far-reaching transformations took place. It began with the armed Punnapra-Vayalar insurrection and ended with the assassination attempt on CP’s life which injured his spirit more than the body. It all began with a communist-orchestrated militant labour movement in Alappuzha. Coir workers demanded bonus irrespective of profit of the company. CP took a pro-labour attitude and persuaded the company owners to grant four per cent bonus as deferred wages. This was before any labour leader had opened his mouth in the conciliation meeting. Having realized their demand for a song, the workers immediately asked for the end of monarchy and replacement of the Diwan. The government could not countenance such purely political demands coming from labour unions. Armed fighting took place between labour unionists and police. The disturbed areas were put under martial law and CP was made the lieutenant general of the army. The fighters in Vayalar were made to believe that they could effortlessly overwhelm the state forces whose weapons were claimed to be not loaded with ammunition! A brutal carnage then ensued and the number of people killed in the encounters is still not indisputably settled. CP felt singled out in this episode. The neighbouring Cochin state abetted in the uprising by taking no steps to prevent its soil from being used as a base for organizing subversive acts in Travancore. This was alleged to be in a bid for gaining popularity for the Cochin ruler. As independence neared, CP was further isolated from the national mainstream as he was not ready to concede paramountcy to the new regime that will be replacing British power. By April 1947, Baroda, Gwalior, Patiala, Bikaner, Jaipur, Jodhpur, Udaipur, Rewa and Cochin joined the constituent assembly, further cutting Travancore off from the tide. The tug of war continued till CP was taken out of the arena by the stroke of a would-be assassin’s sword. The author insists that the attempt on CP’s life had no relation to Travancore’s decision to finally accede to India. Sundararajan again certifies that the decision on Travancore’s status was the prerogative of the Maharaja and CP’s role in it was only advisory in nature. CP had confirmed it by saying that ‘by temperament and training, I am unfit for compromise, being autocratic and over-decisive’. However, CP was pained at his perceived abandonment by the royal family after he resigned as Diwan. The book narrates CP’s life for the next two decades, till his death in 1966. Though he worked as the vice chancellor of BHU and Annamalai universities, no worthwhile job which taxed his considerable talent in law and administration came his way.

A major shortcoming of the book is that it is written in a reporting style of what the subject said and did and not of what he thought. The author is never in touch with CP’s mind. Even though an extensive collection of his writings and speeches are meticulously maintained by the charitable foundation named after him, there is no mention of any diaries in which he recorded his most intimate thoughts. Did CP keep a diary? We may never know. He started writing a book on his ‘times’ towards the final years of his life, but it did not go anywhere. May be this constrained the author from making any analysis or review of her own rather than reproducing, and probably editing too, of what she had gathered from other sources. A touch of humour always attended his demeanour. This is natural in a person who was bandied about as a ‘Ladies’ man’ by his detractors even though the author stoutly rejects this accusation. When he was offered the post of judge early on in his legal career, CP declined saying that he ‘preferred talking nonsense for a few hours a day’ to ‘listening to nonsense every day and all day long’. Through the biography, Sundararajan also provides a broad outline of the progress of constitutional development in India under British rule. CP was closely associated with numerous reform committees in a substantial way. The book does not mention when CP was knighted and for what services he rendered. Another surprising drawback of the book is the total lack of information on CP’s private life. Even though the names of his wife and three children are mentioned, there is no chapter on how the family fared in the face of turbulent opposition engendered by CP’s official work as the Diwan. This is strange, especially from a woman author. The book includes a lot of monochrome pictures depicting various important occasions of his official life, but their reproduction is low-resolution and of poor quality. Considering their historical significance, readers can only hope that the originals are scrupulously preserved.

The book is highly recommended.

Rating: 4 Star

City on Fire

Title: City on Fire – A Boyhood in Aligarh
Author: Zeyad Masroor Khan
Publisher: HarperCollins India, 2023 (First)
ISBN: 9789356998247
Pages: 294

In 2017, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman vowed to make Saudi Arabia ‘a bastion of moderate Islam’. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan retorted that ‘Islam cannot be either moderate or non-moderate. Islam can only be one thing’. Of course, he didn’t specify which one. When a terrorist attack takes place, or more commonly when jihadist propaganda is loosened on social media, we wonder why the ‘moderate’ Muslims are silent or inactive in the face of effervescence on the extremists’ part. Instead of addressing the social evils associated with the community such as polygamy, arbitrary termination of marriages at the husband’s whim, discriminatory treatment of women in distribution of family property and a host of other such issues, the so-called moderates blame others for offending the hardliners through any real or imagined action. The true fact is that notions of religious supremacy and the desire to dominate over the other religions are what make the hardliners restless, but the moderates adroitly obfuscate it and loudly play the victim card to find justifications for the physical or ideological violence exerted by the jihadists. This leads us to conclude that Erdogan is, after all, quite right in what he said. This book from Zeyad Masroor Khan is about his life in Aligarh which is marked by frequent skirmishes and riots between the Hindu and Muslim communities. Khan finds the conditions repeated in Delhi as well where he worked as a journalist. The author is a journalist, writer and documentary film-maker based in New Delhi. He has worked with national and international media companies like Reuters, Vice, Brut and Deccan Herald. This is his first book.

Surprisingly for a native, Khan is unusually circumspect and subdued in extolling the legacy of Aligarh in deciding the destiny of the subcontinent. Aligarh was the epicentre of the Pakistan Movement and the nerve centre of the seditious campaign that ended up in the partition of the country. Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan were carried on the shoulders of students whenever they visited the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) which was their intellectual headquarters. Yasmin Khan notes in her book ‘The Great Partition’ that there were student leaders in AMU who openly boasted to have killed Hindus in riots (read my review of ‘The Great Partition’ here). Aligarh Muslims voted en masse for the Muslim League and thronged in support to its policies. The polling data leaves no doubt on the total support the League enjoyed. But when Partition actually came, they chose to happily stay back in India. The author says that after Partition, his grandfather ‘believed in Gandhi and wanted to stay in a secular India’. The author also comments on the violent methods used by the Pakistan supporters: ‘riots were taking place, people were butchered on the streets, trains were robbed and houses set on fire’ (p.21). With this truculent past behind their back, Zeyad Khan is acting astonished that the Hindus were not on friendly terms with them after partition. Communal riots were very common in Aligarh. The book talks about secret electric switches wired in Muslim areas for sounding emergency alarms to quickly gather people for fighting the Hindus.

This book is thoroughly hostile to Hindus and contains unmitigated hatred towards them. All Hindus are straitjacketed to be antagonistic towards Muslims. Some quotes from the book would help to uncover the fangs of venom concealed in the text: “Even the Hindus respected Ishrat Bhai for his honesty” (p.31), “Even the Hindus here are nicer than those from other neighbourhoods” (p.12, speaking about Uparkot), “During riots, Rasool’s house was attacked first, even if they acted all friendly with their Hindu neighbours” (p.32), “In my dreams, I’d see Hindus entering my home and setting it ablaze” (p.247). Muslims living among Hindus on very friendly terms were said to be mercilessly and treacherously assaulted during riots. The constant refrain of the book is that Hindus cheat. If the word ‘Hindu’ was replaced by ‘Jew’, this book would’ve been proscribed as a classic case of anti-Semitism. Beneath all these charades, the author’s real intention to play the victim card on Muslims comes out in the open. Khan is also careful to distinguish Hindus into upper caste and rich businessmen, lower caste labourers who are as poor as Muslims and Dalits (p.14). This newfound sympathy for the oppressed is just another masquerade for cutting down the tall poppy rather than upliftment of the downtrodden. Whenever a riot occurs, it is the Hindu who is on the other side, without any subtle caste demarcations.

The extraordinary effort exerted by Khan in appearing temperamentally indistinguishable from a boy who grew up in the 1990s elsewhere would’ve been appreciable had it not been used for giving respectability to his sinister and vicious narrative. His interest in comic books as a child helped to foster his faculty in handling languages. But the places to access these books were in Hindu areas and Khan narrates going about these places in trepidation that the Hindus may attack him. On the other hand, comic books were considered ‘the pinnacle of wise’ in his family. Drawing or seeing pictures is frowned upon in Islam. Practising music also infuriated some of his family members. Muslim children dutifully attended local madrassas while the author enjoyed reading comic books in Hindu areas. The comics told the story of a detective duo Ram and Rahim who intervened to save the country from aggression. Even though these books thus carried the rudiments of secularism and living in a pluralistic society, the author is anguished that “Muslims were never the central characters in any comic books. They were only the sidekicks and villains, a trend that continued in almost all the ones I read” (p.66). That’s simply because most of the Muslim children didn’t read them! In the books they actually read at madrassas, infidels were the villains. You get heroes in books who appeal to the bulk of its readers. As years go by, Khan tries his best to look and sound like a regular, mainstream school-going boy interested in Cartoon channel and video games. His discusses about a lot of cartoon characters he found attractive on TV. At times, he appeals to reason, ridiculing Muslims’ belief in djinns and spirits. He even pretends to be rational, but beneath this thin veil lurks his poisonous divisive agenda of being victimized in spite of holding all these ‘modern’ habits and tastes. He even feigns that he didn’t know how to offer namaz though he joined the hard-line Tablighi Jamaat a few years later. Khan also confesses that Osama bin Laden was a hero for him after 9/11 and dreamed of the Arab terrorist defeating the US in Afghanistan and then taking over Pakistan and India. He also dreamed that it would lead to Islam’s domination over the whole world. All this is written in a half-humorous way designed to disarm sceptics who might not read the whole book and to wriggle himself free of allegations of vituperation. A careful scrutiny will expose the vicious payload of communal hatred cloaked under the blanket of superficial humour.

Khan’s reproduction of communal unrest in Aligarh is deviously and shamelessly partisan. It serves only to bolster the Left/Islamist propaganda that Muslims are scared to live in India. Such an argument strengthens only the anti-national narrative. Mindless exaggeration oozes out of assertions like “all people in Muslim neighbourhoods lived in anticipation of the bad times that were always round the corner”. Communal tension is said to be a part of existence for Muslims around which the lives of everyone were moulded. This book narrates fine details of violence in which Muslims got killed or injured. These are so one-sided and quoting abuses verbatim that they appear to be insinuations for taking revenge. Aligarh has a history of communal rioting going back several centuries but for the author it mysteriously starts only in 1984 following the build-up of the Ayodhya temple movement. The narrative maliciously and cleverly omits the Rushdie ‘Satanic Verses’ and Shah Bano agitations in which Muslims went on the rampage. At one point, the author is forced to admit that Hindus also were killed in the riots but he rues that they were “fewer in numbers than the Muslims” and makes a sneering comment that “these were small sacrifices to achieve larger goals” (p.172). All the violent scenes portrayed in the book appear to be concocted fantasies and they always take place ‘a few feet away from a police station’ where the policemen ignored appeals for help. On the other hand, he proudly describes how BJP leaders were killed in retaliation (p.180) who were suspected to be behind attacks on Muslims. Khan notes some curious characteristics of AMU professors. Most of them have an ancestral connection to nawabs, zamindars or rich families. Only a few have risen from underprivileged backgrounds. Most are anti-student and part of regional lobbies. Occasionally, there were professors who became goons themselves and carried country-made guns in their pockets (p.188). This confirms Yasmin Khan’s observations referred to in Para 2 above.

It is astonishing that the author maintains his sentiment of hate for most of the narrative. He has packed that much malice in this book. Many a times the readers vainly hope that the verbs and adjectives are being used in half-jest, but it’s not so. Like a guided missile evading and going around obstacles to home in on the target, Khan is very focussed and totally dedicated to deliver his communal payload even though sometimes he acts like a rationalist or a leftist. Any Muslim reading this book will naturally feel pain and get offended. This is quite expected as the story is carefully crafted to produce this effect. Only the last five pages of the book are free from spite. In fact, this portion which tells about the author’s long walks in Aligarh after abandoning his job in Delhi in the aftermath of Covid, is the only saving grace. Then the author observes Hindus living alongside Muslims – as if for the first time – and realizes that they too belong to the Homo sapiens species. Like a flash of lightning suddenly illuminating a dark landscape, his bigoted mind escapes its shackles for a brief moment to realize that ‘forgiveness, coexistence, compassion, empathy and respect’ are the characters which are required to be instilled in every person for a harmonious communal life in India. At this instant, the author acknowledges workers everywhere in the world for giving him hope through their resilience and courage. This looks like a weak strategic ploy to appear leftist rather than borne from any genuine conviction or empathy.

In the beginning of the book, Khan records that ‘slight exaggeration is an inextricable part of Aligarh’s culture. If somebody from Aligarh tells you a story, take it with a grain of salt’ (p.4). Readers are advised to keep this confession in mind while reading through the author’s communally prejudiced rant. However, the exaggeration in this book is not at all slight and you require a full chest of salt to make it palatable. The author has a western audience in mind, possibly of the NGO variety, while telling his story. Usual tropes of foreign authors in India such as pot-holed roads, open drains, nightly power outages, stench from drains and garbage accumulated in streets are mentioned many times for effect even though not exactly suited or even relevant in the context.

This book is a piece of Islamist propaganda and it’s astonishing why HarperCollins chose to publish it. The book is not at all recommended.

Some other books which features Aligarh in a prominent way and were reviewed earlier here are

a)    Aligarh’s First Generation by David Lelyveld (read review here)
b)    Separatism among Indian Muslims by Francis Robinson (read review here)
c)    The Great Partition by Yasmin Khan (read review here)

Rating: 1 Star