Title:
Indian Summer – The Secret History of the End of an
Empire
Author:
Alex von Tunzelmann
Publisher:
Pocket Books, 2007 (First)
ISBN:
9781416522256
Pages:
464
On August 15, 1947, a bright new
chapter opened in Indian history. After nearly a millennium of continual
warfare and subjugation, the Indian spirit broke free and the nation finally
awoke to freedom. This outstanding feat was achieved by ousting the British
Empire, on which the sun never set. The astonishing feature of India’s freedom
struggle was that it was more or less peaceful. This is hardly surprising, as
the intelligentsia which led the revolt was born and brought up in a political
and intellectual climate fostered by the British themselves. After the Second
World War, when it became painfully evident that India can’t be ruled with the meager
resources at Britain’s disposal, Clement Attlee and his Labour government
decided to give away the jewel in the Empire’s crown – India – to its rightful
owners. Lord Mountbatten, nicknamed Dickie, who was the supreme commander in
South East Asia during the War, was assigned the onerous task of dividing the
country on religious lines and transferring power to local leaders. His task
was further complicated by the intricacies of India’s religious landscape and
the subcontinent’s theocratic prejudices. His years in India were further
brought into focus by the alleged love affair between Nehru, India’s first
Prime Minister, and Edwina, his wife. The essence of the book is the events
played out in the fifteen months from March 1947, when the couple set foot in
India as the Viceroy and Vicereine, and June 1948, when power was handed over
and they returned home jobless. This core narrative is preceded by a long
buildup of incidents that led to 1947, and succeeded by descriptions of the
main actors’ lives thereafter till their death. Alex von Tunzelmann is a
historian and author, and this is her first book. The funniest part of it all
was that I had taken the author to be a male from the name and only learned the
true fact much later. This required some last minute changes in the review!
Part 1 of the book sets the stage for
opening the final act in India’s independence, with the Mountbattens’ leaving
England in style. In this section that spans more than a third of the book, the
social and private lives of the main characters are analyzed in nitpicking
detail – especially when it tends to be controversial. The author puts Louis
and Edwina Mountbatten, Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi under the scanner.
Of these, the Father of the Nation gets the most reprobation. Gandhi’s
political life was an extension of his personal one, or rather; they melded
seamlessly so that no one could say for sure where one ended or where the other
began. The tactics employed by him in the struggle for freedom from the British
included civil disobedience, passive resistance, logical argument, nonviolence
in the face of violence and emotional blackmail. Gandhi has admitted that he
learned these traits from his wife Kasturba, in her deft dealing with Gandhi’s
mother and her own mother-in-law. Gandhi’s handling of his sons left much to be
desired in discharging parental duty. His experiments in testing sexual
abstinence with his female acolytes were notorious. Tunzelmann tells of an
incident in which a police team that searched the ashram in the middle of the night
found Gandhi in the company of an eighteen-year old girl. This incident was
soon hushed up. His impractical proposals on how the newly independent India
should be moulded provoked cries of reprehension from all concerned parties.
The author has painted most of her major actors in a not so flattering light. Royalty
and their associates like Mountbatten get a severe drubbing. Lackluster
performance in education and naval service had made Mountbatten a pampered, but
inefficient commander. Even the Prince of Wales is not spared the author’s
sharp rebuke though the author had acknowledged with thanks the permission
granted by the Queen to access the Royal Archives at Windsor.
Tunzelmann trounces two arguments
commonly used by nationalist elements in Indian society, that the presence of
Gandhi reined in communalist elements in Indian politics and that Britain left
India with extreme reluctance and immense pressure from Congress’ struggles.
The author asserts that while Jinnah’s ascendancy coincided with the rise of
political Islam, Gandhi’s spiritually inspired programmes gave confidence to
religious chauvinists to take part openly in Congress politics. Fundamentalist
Hindus were a rare presence before the coming of Gandhi on the scene. However,
this argument contradicts with another of the author that Gandhi reached the
zenith of his career during the Salt Satyagraha in 1930 and thereafter entered
a descent to near irrelevance by 1947. His fanciful proposals first on how to
avoid partition of the country and then on how to do it were rejected out of
hand by the Congress, who were becoming more and more embarrassed by the
Mahatma’s utterances. Gandhi rose to prominence again only in August 1947, when
his moral authority could prevent communal violence breaking out in Calcutta by
staging a fast unto death. While thousands of armed soldiers miserably failed
to curb the fratricidal bloodbath in partitioned Punjab, a weak and unarmed man
could ensure calmness in partitioned Bengal was nothing short of a miracle. A
few months later, he did it again in Delhi, where the communal frenzy abated by
his presence and another fast. Gandhi’s fast would force the Indian
government’s hand to release payments due for Pakistan on account of partition
of assets, but kept frozen on account of its support to assailants in Kashmir. These
two incidents catapulted the Mahatma to the most ‘powerful’ position in India,
though the irony of the word as applied to the prophet of nonviolence is
glaring. Besides, he was gunned by a fundamentalist Hindu. So what is the logic
in correlating Gandhi’s career with communalization of politics?
The book presents the grievous
atmosphere in UK after the Second World War. Pyrrhic victory is only a mild
term for the tremendous cost it had to pay in terms of human lives and material
to crush the Axis powers into a pit even more terrible than they found
themselves in. Isn’t it sheer madness for two prosperous nations to pick a
quarrel up between them, then try to sort it out using violence on a scale not
witnessed heretofore, and then ending up as paupers solely dependent on the
handouts from a third power, the USA, in this instance? Devoid of resources and
power, Britain was anxious to leave India for good. Tunzelmann writes that
hundreds of thousands were dead, millions expended, normal industries battered,
towns destroyed, families broken up and stuck back together and food supplies
restricted to the minimum with strict rationing in England. This contrasts
markedly with the boastful claims of a few overly patriotic fellow Indians that
we had kicked the British out!
Though the book is fundamentally about
the indefinable relationship between Nehru and Edwina Mountbatten, it
effectively answers the question whether retaining Mountbatten as the Governor
General of free India was a wise decision for the new nation to take. It is
heartless and unfounded on facts to argue that he was appointed on the express
desire of Nehru on account of the illicit relationship India’s first prime
minister was running with the governor general’s wife! The book mentions a
decisive episode in the finalization of the Punjab boundary. Gurdaspur district
had a Muslim majority, but if it was to be given to Pakistan, Amritsar would’ve
been mostly surrounded by Pakistani territory and India’s only route to Kashmir
would’ve been cut off. Even though Cyril Radcliffe took a decision based only
on population, it was said to be amended under pressure from Mountbatten.
Eventually, Gurdaspur stayed a part of India, thereby facilitating quick
movement of troops and material to Kashmir, when insurgents swooped on it two
months later. Indians should not lose sight of this great service. Besides,
Edwina made a commendable effort to mobilizing material for refugee camps and
to make its administration more efficient and refugee-friendly, on account of
her close relationship with the nation’s prime minister. It is curious to note
that the ends of the four major figures shared something in common. Gandhi was
assassinated, Nehru and Edwina died of heart attacks and Mountbatten was killed
in an IRA terrorist attack that detonated a bomb in the boat he was sailing in.
On the whole, the book is rather
gossipy in style. Of course, the facts are there in full, and the author had
done extensive research to compile the diverse material into an immensely
readable homogeneity; yet, she has not omitted anything which one would utter
only in a hushed tone in respectable company. If it can be said without
prejudice or sexist bias, the book looks a bit too feminine to general readers!
It is, however, very pleasing to read. There is a lengthy section of Notes and
a commendable Index. A set of monochrome plates adds variety to the narrative.
The book is highly recommended.
Rating: 3 Star
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