Title:
Roads to Freedom – Prisoners in Colonial India
Author:
Mushirul Hasan
Publisher:
Oxford University Press, 2016 (First)
ISBN:
9780199458837
Pages:
276
India’s
prison system was in the news recently in England. This was when the Indian
government tried to extradite Vijay Mallya, who was absconding from legal
proceedings related to his company’s defaulting on loans worth thousands of
crores of rupees. Mallya sought the mercy of the British court, pointing out
the horrible conditions in Indian jails. When the court demanded a response
from Indian authorities, there were tit-for-tat comments in social media
regarding the proper reply. Some keen wits remarked that we would provide a
prison atmosphere for Mallya, who is neck-deep in financial impropriety, which
would be far better than what the British government doled out to our national
leaders including Gandhi during the freedom struggle. Evidently, prison life
was harsh then, as it is now. This is what makes it a deterrent for people from
indulging in crimes. But, political prisoners are a class apart from the normal
customers of a prison. This book describes the saga of the freedom fighters who
transformed the narrow road that led to a prison cell into a highway to
freedom. It dwells upon the physical infrastructure of the penitentiary, its
harsh rules and even harsher implementation; the emotional disconnect the
inmates feel toward their loved ones and the strengthening of their resolve to
sacrifice themselves on the quest for regaining national honour. Prison offered
no deterrent to them, since they were ready to break the law again that would
put them back in jail as soon as they are released. Indian literature has also
somewhat got enriched by the contribution of the prisoners. Mushirul Hasan is a
distinguished Indian historian who had served as the vice chancellor of Jamia
Millia Islamia in New Delhi and as the director general of the National
Archives of India.
Hasan
discerns three stages in the genesis of political prisoners in colonial India.
These include the Wahhabi conspiracy, the post-1857 phase and the Gandhian era.
See the effortlessness with which the Wahhabi zealots and non-violent Gandhians
are put inside the same bracket! The ethos of the prisoners also varied sharply
in these periods. Flogging of prisoners and applying fetters on them were
common to crush their will. The worst part of it was the injunction that the
inmate shall polish the iron rings round his neck. As can be imagined, this
book deals only with the political prisoners. Extrapolating the argument
towards the post-independent era, the author wants the status of political
prisoners to the Maoists too (p.4). This is strange, coming from a person who
adorned some of the highest academic and establishment positions in the country
with government salary. He also raises the demand by an international committee
for the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Extending the liberties
to an organization bent on subverting the constitution and the nation itself is
naïve and ill-advised. Hasan widens his argument with the contention that
banditry and criminality are forms of protest in class-divided agrarian
societies. The state coercion in Telengana is also questioned, where an armed
uprising of the communists in the latter half of 1940s was firmly put down. It
is intriguing to watch the revolutionary vacillations of the author whose
credentials speak loudly of a career solidly rooted in Islamic orthodoxy.
The
two most renowned leaders of the independence movement who had to undergo long
prison sentences were Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. Anecdotes and
surveys from their time in prison are included in the narrative. What is strange
is the author’s inclusion of the leaders of the Khilafat movement also, under
the sweeping generalization of freedom movements. Khilafat was solely concerned
with restoring the Turkish sultan who was deposed by the British at the end of
World War I. Since he was also the Islamic caliph, Muslims in all countries
came out in his defence, but the fact that it did not have anything to do with
India’s struggle against the colonial masters is plain to see. If it had been
the Germans who had usurped the Ottoman throne in place of the British, the
Khilafat would still have taken birth and perhaps sided with the British! Hasan
takes an anticipatory bail here, by claiming that the description of the tenure
of Mohamed Ali, a prominent Khilafat leader, in prison is only to understand,
rather than endorse, his passion and commitment. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s
endorsement of the Gandhian doctrine of mingling religion and politics is
notable in the path it opened for him to prison. Another point to observe in
the context of Khilafat is the confluence of fundamentalists in the
revolutionary fold. Hasrat Mohani, who chaired the first conference of the
Communist Party of India at Kanpur in 1925, actually campaigned for a republic
of Hijaz in Arabia, so that the holy cities of Mecca and Medina would not fall
under British dominance. For Mohani, Islam and Communism complemented each
other, and they conflicted only when their followers trespassed the limits of
their fields and methods of action. This communist leader also performed the
Hajj eleven times, including one overland trip that was extremely hazardous.
However, to do justice to his memory, it must be remembered that Mohani also
sang in praise of Hindu gods.
This
book makes a focus on the influence of prison sentence in literature.
Unfortunately for the readers, Hasan stops to take stock of the situation in
Urdu language only. In that literature, zindan
(prison), qaidkhana and dar-o-rasan (scaffold) are emblems of
subjugation. Assuming inspiration from this concept, Bismil Azimabadi and Josh
Malihabadi wrote motivating poems urging the people to achieve martyrdom.
Maulvi Zafar Ali Khan produced a collection of poems (habsiyat) while languishing in Montgomery Jail in 1926. A shift in
literary activity clearly became evident in the period. Creative writing was
reassigned to be the servant of a cause, a beacon to poor humanity’s afflicted
will, and not merely a display of ornamental skill. It had wide appeal. Parsi
theatre in Bombay staged Urdu plays. A detailed narration of Nehru’s effort in
writing such masterpieces as Glimpses of World History and Discovery of India
is also given.
The
temperament of various leaders who had undergone the forced stay in prison is different.
Gandhi craved for isolation, reading and spinning charkha most of the time. He was
unhesitant to do physical labour and deployed the symbolism of political prisoner
in his crusade, and jail as a metaphor to depict India’s enslavement. Hasan again
issues a disclaimer here, by marking himself not concerned with the fallacies and
contradictions in Gandhi’s message, but rather of his sincerity. He even argues
that the Palestinians are encouraged by the tenacity and courage with which Gandhi
led the liberation struggle. The readers are left to wonder at the incongruity in
equating the terrorist tactics of Hamas with Gandhian ahimsa. However, there were other leaders who could not take prison
in their calm stride. M N Roy, an early communist leader, was so fed up with jail
that he continuously wrote wishful notes about his desire to escape from the sentence
and spend time in some of the hill stations of Europe.
The
book is a good effort to portray a little known area of the independence movement.
The author should have taken a little more care in selecting the subjects though.
A lot of poetic couplets are given in the text, and are provided with a transliteration
of the Urdu words as well. This help the reader clearly identify the rhyming pattern.
This is one aspect that is totally lost in translation and Hasan’s attention to
this detail is commendable. Probably because of the author’s access to the National
Archives as a former director general, a lot of files of the political department
of British India are examined. This makes the book quite unique.
The
book is recommended.
Rating: 3 Star
No comments:
Post a Comment