Title: Karl
Marx: Greatness and Illusion - A Life
Author: Gareth Stedman Jones
Publisher: Allen Lane, 2016 (First)
ISBN: 9780713999044
Pages: 750
If you are asked to name a single person who had
influenced the political economy the most in the twentieth century, it would
undoubtedly be Karl Marx. Marxian theory, or what his followers thought he taught,
directed the economic and political destinies of nations. The twentieth century
began with the rise of Marxism through a revolutionary upheaval in the Soviet
Union and it ended with the Marxist sun setting with the disintegration of the same
country into as many as fifteen daughter republics. The man, who moved millions
to a utopian goal he cherished so much, must have been an out and out
intellectual. He was the foremost theoretician who directed the workers
movement, but without being imprisoned a single time in the turbulent times of
the nineteenth century. Marx was a man made up of energy, willpower and
invincible conviction. For most of his working life, he and his family were
reeling under grinding poverty which was alleviated to some extent by the
generous contribution of his close friend Friedrich Engels, who was immensely
rich. Earlier, scholars were patronized by kings who looked after their
financial needs. In modern times, this role was taken up by academic
Institutions, but a scholar like Marx who nourished ideas detrimental to the
established political order could not have come under such a protective
umbrella. This book describes Marx’s life in a peripheral way, with much of the
volume dedicated to a narrative of how his ideas meshed with contemporary
philosophical thought. Early biographers tended to offer descriptive accounts
of Marx’s theoretical writings and preferred to concentrate on his life. This
work pays attention to Marxian thought as much as or perhaps more than his
life. Gareth Stedman Jones is a historian and Professor of the History of Ideas
at Queen Mary University of London.
Marx was an intellectual of the first calibre, but
with all attendant human weaknesses such as professional jealousy, contempt of
political opponents, ignoring the family in favour of his ideals and a possible
adulterous affair with his housekeeper too. Apotheosis of Marx took place in
the three decades after his death by clever propaganda of the German social
democrats. Many of its workers were sustained by the idea that the approaching
demise of capitalism was proved definitively in a book written by the great
philosopher. Marx’s miserable poverty was assuaged to some extent in the late
1850s by working as the European correspondent of an American journal called New York Daily Tribune. This fact is
also resented by some hard core leftists who find it shameful to conceive that
their master was once in the payroll of a Yankee publisher. This argument does
not take into account the intellectual worth of Marx’s articles and what the
publishers were willing to pay for them. Jones describes another deviation in
which twentieth century communism which pins on the indelible association
between Marxism and revolution with a violent overthrow of capitalism and a
leading role for the revolutionary party with more gentle theoretical concepts.
The author attributes this to a selective reading of a small number of
prescribed Marxian texts. In the making of Capital,
he believed that workers in England might, by peaceful means, conquer political
supremacy.
The book gives a general description of the social
changes brought in by the French Revolution and a primer on the divided German
political scene. The concepts of nationalism and religious tolerance developed
with a grudging acceptance of the Jews for the first time in history. However,
with the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo, Marx’s hometown of Trier came under
the rule of Prussia which re-introduced harsh discriminatory laws. This forced
Marx’s father Heinrich to convert to Prussian Evangelical Christianity, in
order to continue his legal career. Moreover, the Prussian King Frederik Wilhelm
IV viewed the new Hegelian ideas popular among young intellectuals with growing
suspicion. This denied an academic position to Marx even though he possessed a
doctorate degree and diverted his career to journalism in the Rheinische Zeitung. Perhaps if he had
had a comfortable teaching position, the history of the world would have been
different! Marx always fell afoul of authority and had to move to France, then
to Belgium and finally to England. The new Kingdom of Belgium resisted Prussian
pressure to deport Marx, but he had to give an undertaking in writing of good
conduct. He renounced his nationality at that time and remained stateless
thereafter. The book gives a summary of the works of Marx when they are
encountered in the narrative. This would have been harmless if the author had
not assumed the readers to be fully familiar with abstruse concepts of
philosophy and political economy. A large part of the book is hence rendered an
uphill task for the ordinary readers.
The author presents some interesting information on
Marxian concepts. The term ‘communism’ was coined by the French radical
republican Etienne Cabet as an inoffensive substitute for the forbidden idea of
an egalitarian republic. Radical republican societies mushroomed in the
aftermath of the July Revolution of 1830 that introduced Louis Philippe as the
citizen-king. However, the republicans considered the parliamentary monarchy,
propertied franchise and laissez-faire economics of the king as a betrayal.
Republican societies were outlawed in 1835 as a result. They hit back with a botched
uprising in 1839. This explains the background of Cabet’s advocacy of the peaceful
establishment of ‘communist’ society as something distinct from the republican.
Jones is very liberal in including obscure theories in the narrative, but the
tiresome exposition of the concepts of philosophy which were studied by Marx
and other scholars is a nightmare to the readers. This hair-splitting
description turns them away from the book.
The partnership between Marx and Engels was a very
productive one for the workers’ movement and extremely beneficial for Marx’s
family. Engels became very rich after he inherited the wealth of his industrialist
father in 1860. Marx’s daughters requested money straight from him as he was
almost like a father to them. Engels was the first to identify the revolutionary
possibilities of modern industry and the place of the factory worker. There
were occasions when the two had some issues between themselves. However, Engels’
tendency to defer to Marx’s intellectual authority smoothed out some areas of possible
contention. Jones portrays the poverty of the Marx household in some detail.
Anyway, there were also periods of plenty. When they had money, the family was
extremely profligate. Marx never wanted to live the life of a member of the
working class whose interests he was protecting through his writings. They rented
expensive buildings and bought tasteful dresses for the women in the family and
employed two servants. When the money was exhausted, they returned to poverty
with stoic Indifference.
The two great events that exercised Marx’s
political creativity were the 1848 Revolution and the Paris Commune of 1871. In
the Communist Manifesto published in
1848, he combined a brilliant thumbnail sketch of the development of modern
capitalism with a depiction of the contemporary conflicts between classes and
its necessary outcome. The Paris Commune lasted for just ten weeks and was
nothing more than a rebellion of the working class in which they withstood a siege
of Paris city by royalist troops and conducted the internal administration on
their own. Marx was immensely excited by both and expected the triumph of the
revolution around the corner. Anyhow, within weeks the revolutions lost steam,
driving Marx to dejection. He also founded the International Working Men's
Association (IWMA), also known as the First International. Organisational work ate
into his literary time and he could publish the first volume of Capital only in 1867. It was Engels who
brought out the second and third volumes after his demise. Marx's diligence in
publishing was exemplary. He rewrote many parts of the French edition of Capital when he felt that the
translation was not up to the mark in these areas.
The discussion amply demonstrates that Marx's philosophy followed the gist of the time. This was a crucial transition period in which monarchy was beating a slow but inevitable retreat. When his revolutionary ideas were taking shape, the working class was very poorly remunerated and didn't have any right to vote. In fact, the concept of an elected legislature was still inchoate. Evidently, even a great visionary like Marx could not have foreseen the great changes the revolution of 1848 and the uprising of 1871 would bring about. With a stream of reform measures that continually relaxed the norms of franchise, a new alternative was opening up for labour other than armed rebellion. Jones hints that Marx was getting around to a concept of peaceful change, at least in Britain. However, the revolutionaries who came after his death was in a hurry to bring change at the flick of a switch, instead of waiting for a lengthy democratic process. In that sense, the entire blame for the precipitous collapse of communism should not be attributed to Marx alone. The greatness of Marx was his feat of thinking up a scheme to explain how the present political economy came into being. The illusion was his inability to see much beyond the present state of things and a lack of general optimism.
The discussion amply demonstrates that Marx's philosophy followed the gist of the time. This was a crucial transition period in which monarchy was beating a slow but inevitable retreat. When his revolutionary ideas were taking shape, the working class was very poorly remunerated and didn't have any right to vote. In fact, the concept of an elected legislature was still inchoate. Evidently, even a great visionary like Marx could not have foreseen the great changes the revolution of 1848 and the uprising of 1871 would bring about. With a stream of reform measures that continually relaxed the norms of franchise, a new alternative was opening up for labour other than armed rebellion. Jones hints that Marx was getting around to a concept of peaceful change, at least in Britain. However, the revolutionaries who came after his death was in a hurry to bring change at the flick of a switch, instead of waiting for a lengthy democratic process. In that sense, the entire blame for the precipitous collapse of communism should not be attributed to Marx alone. The greatness of Marx was his feat of thinking up a scheme to explain how the present political economy came into being. The illusion was his inability to see much beyond the present state of things and a lack of general optimism.
The book is awfully huge and the diction is not
reader-friendly. You need to have tons of determination and patience to sail
through to the end. There are 123 pages full of notes to clarify the main text.
You need to have a very thorough prior knowledge of nineteenth century Europe
and its political, social and philosophical terms to fully appreciate the
narrative. The author’s hands-free approach in this regard is highly
reprehensible. It was almost a sacrifice of one’s leisure for nearly ten days
to complete this book.
The book is not recommended. Very serious readers
may give it a try at their own risk.
Rating: 2 Star
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