Title: The
Man Who Saved India – Sardar Patel and His Idea of India
Author: Hindol Sengupta
Publisher: Penguin Viking, 2018
(First)
ISBN: 9780670089901
Pages: 437
India is a peculiar place where even reputed
national leaders are sometimes weighed on the balance of contemporary factional
politics. A year ago, India unveiled a grand statue of Sardar Vallabhbhai
Patel, veteran freedom fighter and the country's first home minister on the
banks of the Narmada River. A huge wave of protest rose up from the opposition ostensibly
at the cost incurred for this statue which was the world's tallest at 182
metres; almost double that of the Statue of Liberty. At around Rs. 3000 crores,
the statue was definitely not cheap, but considering the direct revenue in
tourist footfalls and the indirect benefits of development of that backward
area, that amount was nothing to cringe for a rising economic power like India.
What infuriated the opposition Congress party the most was that it was the
first time in independent India that a leader other than from the Nehru family
was being feted thus. This was ironic, as Patel belonged to their own party,
which has since become a pocket borough or private fief of the Nehru dynasty.
All mention of Patel is scrupulously wiped clean from public discourse and his
memory is deliberately allowed to fade without a trace. This was the state of
things when Prime Minister Modi decided to resuscitate Patel’s legacy as a
counterpoise to that of Nehru, whose blunders still hang heavy on the nation's
shoulders. India was a conglomeration of around 560 princely states at
Independence, each of which was theoretically entitled to join India or
Pakistan. It was Patel and his Deputy V P Menon who painstakingly ensured
accession of these states to India through a carrot and stick policy. This
smooth amalgamation so astonished Soviet leader Khrushchev who remarked it ‘a
wonderful feat to liquidate the princely states without liquidating the princes’.
This book is the story of Sardar Patel and his inspiring political career and a
miraculous stint in the administration. Hindol Sengupta is an award-winning
author and has written numerous books. He is a World Economic Forum Young Global
Leader and a Knight Bagehot Fellow of Columbia University.
Nehru and Patel were the tallest pillars of India's
freedom movement. So it is natural that a comparison of them inevitably takes
place. Sengupta makes a comprehensive study of the different facets of these
two great statesmen. ‘Many claim that Nehru was a weak leader and an escape-artist.
He was a smooth talker with no real ability to handle tough political situations.
His oratory is considered largely gaseous and full of romantic but not very useful
ideals’ - as you can see, the author does not mince words where they are
essentially needed to expose the tantrums created by Nehru. Patel was
exasperated by Nehru's naivety and tried to protect India's strategic interests
from his enthusiastic idealism and vacillations. Another bone of contention was
Nehru’s allegiance to Marxist ideals that relegated capitalism to a mere
stepping stone towards fascism and considered business as inherently
exploitative and reactionary. On the other side of this ideological baggage,
both Gandhi and Patel had a far more accommodating and tolerant attitude to
Indian businesses and businessmen. They in turn supported the Congress with
funds and in kind for years. Patel was clear that having taken consistent
assistance from industrialists through the freedom struggle, it was the job of
the Congress to ensure that the Indian business community thrived after
independence which would bring the added and much-needed benefits of jobs and
wealth creation in an impoverished country. Patel always arranged the money
required for running the party. Nehru enjoyed the services offered by the party’s
wealthy supporters, but when the time came, ditched Indian businesses to reach
out for the public sector.
This book analyses the personal equations between
the trinity – Gandhi, Nehru and Patel – and tries to find the reasons behind the
patriarch’s open preference to Nehru, the youngest of the three. Only six years
of age separated Gandhi and Patel and so the relationship can only be termed
fraternal. However, Gandhi was twenty years older than Nehru which tilted the
relationship to the filial. The amazing fact was that Patel continued to
support Gandhi cheerfully even when it was clear that he was being side-lined.
Sengupta justifies the need of the narrative by postulating that to give Patel
credit is not to diminish the unifying power of Gandhi's message or even some
of the modernist vision of Nehru. It is to fill a knowledge gap in what ought
to be a natural trinity. This is especially mandated when most Indians know far
more about Gandhi and Nehru, but few would give equal recognition to Patel.
While Nehru's ideas came from his extensive reading about communism and
socialism, Patel had lived the life of the Indian poor and understood why they
chose to follow Gandhi. His perspective came directly from his lived experience
and not through books as did Nehru's. Nehru understood India's problems well,
but his solutions were not indigenous. They were derived from ideologies he had
only read about and believed to be better. Once he suggested the Indian masses
read Bertrand Russell's books to clear away is religious prejudices!
The career of Patel through the turbulent decade of
the 1920s is described in detail. In response to Gandhi's call for civil
disobedience and boycott of British products, thousands dropped their education
and professional careers to become a foot soldier of the freedom movement. But,
Gandhi's espousal of the Khilafat cause eventually derailed the agitation and plunged
the country into massive communal violence. The incident at Chauri Chaura
provided Gandhi with an escape route. When the agitating crowd killed 22
policemen there, he unconditionally withdrew the disobedience movement condemning
the violence. This came at a time when the people were expecting concessions
from a capitulating government by the end of that year. The people who followed
Gandhi truthfully so far found themselves stranded in the middle of nowhere.
The relevance of Congress party took a beating and the Swaraj Party split away
from them advocating a path more conciliatory to legislative reforms. Patel gainfully
used this period to grow grassroots support for the party in Gujarat. The
Satyagraha against the protection levy in Borsad and the increase of land
revenue tax in Bardoli were immensely successful. The levy was only Rs. 2.70 per
person and the tax hike was a moderate 30% coming after thirty years since the
tax was reassessed last. Both these movements were clearly designed to keep the
cadres and machinery well-oiled and exercised rather than for indemnifying pecuniary
losses.
Patel initially opposed the creation of Pakistan,
but gradually turned around to back the claim as the bloodbaths being organised
by the Muslim League to snatch their homeland away from the Hindus were
resulting in widespread murder, arson, rape and forced conversions all around.
The reality of internal divisions among Muslims gave the demand for Pakistan a
powerful resonance as it was a symbol of a united moral community. Patel was in
direct charge of assimilating the 560-odd native states after independence.
Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir were the nuts hard to crack. The first two were
annexed through police action and Kashmir acceded to India when Pakistani
soldiers in tribal attire attacked the state. Sengupta stops here to address
the moral compulsions of Patel in annexing Kashmir whose population was
predominantly Muslim, but with a Hindu king. The die was cast when Jinnah reneged
on his claims for a Muslim homeland and tried to coax border states into
joining Pakistan. He gave a blank, signed document of accession to the king of
Bikaner as a bribe to merge with Pakistan. The king was allowed to write down
any conditions he deemed fit. However, both Bikaner’s population and king was
Hindu. Then again, Jinnah shamelessly accepted the accession of Junagadh in
Gujarat whose population was overwhelmingly Hindu, but with a Muslim ruler. The
same situation prevailed in Hyderabad and Jinnah was imploring the Nizam to
join him. All these three cases took away the moral high ground of Pakistani
claim that only Muslim majority states should go to them. Everybody was
convinced by this time that Jinnah has no more allegiance to Pakistan than a cruel
desire to scuttle the unity of India. Patel was ably assisted by V P Menon in
this period. The practicality of Menon’s proposition for partition appealed to
the realist in Patel.
Sengupta also addresses the issue whether Patel was
given justice in the Congress Party and to his legacy after his demise in 1950.
He has faithfully reproduced the underlying strain of rivalry and also
affection between Nehru and Patel. Many a times, Patel offered to resign from
Nehru's cabinet and at other times, Nehru suggested that Patel take over the
reins. The discrimination against Patel was first observed in 1929 when Gandhi
requested him to make way for Nehru as Congress President. In 1946, the issue
came up for joining the interim ministry. 12 of the 15 provincial Congress committees
nominated Patel as the party’s president and by corollary, as the interim Prime
Minister. Then again, Gandhi asked Patel to step down in favour of Nehru. In a
brilliant display of enviably stoic resignation, he obeyed his mentor on both
occasions with little demur.
The book is a pleasure to read. Some little known
incidents are narrated by the author. The dispute over the will and bequeathment
of the property of Patel’s elder brother Vitthalbhai Patel is one such issue.
The will was in favour of Subhas Chandra Bose and Vitthalbhai had died in
Europe while travelling with Bose. Patel challenged the will and obtained a
court ruling nullifying it. This incident turned Patel and Bose bitter enemies
till the end. On the whole, the book is successful in filling up some of the gaps
that were clearly visible in the national discourse on the struggle for
independence and the making of a united India.
The book is highly recommended.
Rating: 4 Star
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