Title: The Broken Script – Delhi Under the East India Company and the Fall of the Mughal Dynasty
Author: Swapna Liddle
Publisher: Speaking Tiger, 2022 (First)
ISBN: 9789354473869
Pages: 413
1857 was the year in which the British colonial machine was interrupted for a short while in its pursuit of the conquest of India. The East India Company's Indian soldiers turned against their masters and the establishment lurched dangerously close to the point of capsizing. Luckily for them, India was divided as always. The Gurkhas, Sikhs and South Indian troops were not part of the revolt and in the end the British effectively used them to crush the rebellion. However, immense changes took place in the colonial administration thereafter. The policy of outright annexation was stopped entirely and the native princes were brought in as allies to manage their own states subject to the paramountcy of British power. This book tells the story of Delhi from the defeat of the Marathas who occupied it in 1803 till the 1857 rebellion. The Mughal emperor was a shadow of his previous self and was a puppet in the hands of the Marathas who however continued to show him respect and acknowledged him as their overlord. The British continued the etiquette but took steps to gradually take away his prerogatives and privileges. Then the mutiny came and along with it the chance the British were eagerly anticipating for a long while. The Mughal dynasty was deposed, the young princes shot dead and the emperor himself was exiled to Burma where he died a few years later. This book examines the political, cultural, intellectual and religious atmosphere in Delhi in the half century after the British ascent in 1803. Swapna Liddle is an Indian historian, author, art curator and heritage conservator based in Delhi. She is well known for her research of history of Delhi including its architecture and buildings. This book is based on her PhD research at the Jamia Millia Islamiya.
The book takes off from the Maratha period where the Mughal throne and its capital city securely lay in the hands of the Marathas. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, there was a Mughal emperor on the throne but the empire was largely gone. He was in effect a puppet and pensioner but with considerable symbolic authority over the vast territories that were still legally considered a part of the Mughal empire. Shah Alam II gave over to the East India Company effective rights of his realm and appointed them as the principal functionary of the empire after they defeated the Marathas at Patparganj near Delhi in 1803. The emperor and the royal household were constrained by the British, first from Calcutta and then by more powerful Residents at Delhi such as Metcalfe. The Mughal tried to petition the government in Calcutta, bypassing the Resident, but when it was revealed, the Resident cut down the emperor's stipend – which was in effect a pension. Akbar II's reaction was pitiful. He called himself a fool, pulled his own ears in token of deserving punishment and begged the pardon of Metcalfe in public. The company was any way targeting the humiliation of the emperor. The British then started building up a support base in Delhi by letting out land as jagirs in the time when the Marathas were not conclusively accounted for. This was a usurpation of the Mughal's power. But when the tide changed in their favour and peace led to great leaps in agricultural revenue, they started to resume jagirs and take back donated land and properties. To a culture which was attuned to rulers being generous with largesse, these measures stamped the new rulers as mean. The harshness of British exactions became the subject of popular lore. The balance of power continuously shifted in favour of the company and the emperor's dignity and independence eroded in proportion. The company closed down the Delhi mint which quietly produced coins in the name of Akbar II. The Governor General dropped the word 'fidwi' or 'servant of the Emperor' from his Persian seal. In 1827, Akbar II did away with the protocol when he met Governor General Lord Amherst and allowed him to sit in his presence, no nazars were presented and at the time of departure even stood up and took him by the arm. The defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo and the ensuing peace in Europe made the British more powerful than ever.
Even though the Mughals took power in India after wading through rivers of blood and inflicting irredeemable damage to our culture, the systematic humiliation meted out to them by the British evoke our pitiful sympathy. Every step, howsoever small it may be, was calculated to chip away something from the emperor's honour. In 1833, the British stopped the practice of paying the emperor's stipend on the first of the month if it fell on a Sunday or a holiday. The right to choose the successor was also appropriated by the colonial power. This led to amusing occurrences when there was natural rivalry among the princes. When Akbar II died in 1837, the heir apparent Abu Zafar (later known as Bahadur Shah Zafar) was already 62 years old. He immediately ordered preparations for coronation after he heard the news of his father's death at six in the evening. He was feeling insecure and feared a last-minute coup. The ceremony was at last held at three in the night! This also shows that even though devoid of power, it is the position that make people go after them. Zafar's writ ran only in the fort, but he held daily durbars where the issues discussed was petty, such as the complaint of the wife of the emperor's peon on domestic violence. The royal family had multiplied many times and lived in huts inside the fort in squalour and the fort had become overcrowded. The author accuses the British of not paying them enough to live. Bahadur Shah had eleven sons and 28 grandsons. The number of daughters is not given. Many relations left the fort and started living in the city thereby bringing them under the jurisdiction of the company like ordinary subjects. They were always in heavy debt. Creditors usually accosted the royals on the streets and abused them. They even went to the emperor's jharoka darshan and clamoured before him for a settlement of their dues. The stipend was a kind of privy purse and in early 1857, the British were actively considering to cut them off and to absorb the families in the mass of the population. Still, prospective sons vied with each other to formally succeed their father. Bahadur Shah's elder sons predeceased him. Mohammed Koeash, the eldest surviving son, appealed to the British to make him the heir apparent because of his religiosity. The only worthwhile qualities that he possessed for the post was that he had memorized the Quran and had made the Haj pilgrimage (p.166).
Liddle describes about the social conditions prevailing in Delhi during those times. The British prohibited the slave trade in Delhi in 1812, putting a stop to the sale of human beings which was rampant among the Mughals. Slaves, especially women, soon began to run away from the Red Fort. The royal family protested to the British that these women were 'legally' bought before the ban came into effect! These appeals were ignored. Another fact worth notice is the improving social position of Hindus and other non-Muslim communities from the shockingly degrading status of Dhimmis to subjects of somewhat equal privileges of Muslims. Harsukh Rai, a rich merchant of Delhi, built a temple and carried the idol to the new premises in a magnificent procession. Muslims protested at this because the Dhimmis were practically slaves till that time and were entitled only to carry out their religious rituals either in private or clandestinely. A riot ensued and several people were killed. Leading clerics such as Maulana Rafi ud-Din appealed to the emperor to exert his influence on behalf of the Muslims who were detained by the British. The British bluntly retorted to the emperor Akbar II that 'he was the king of Hindus as well', and that violence and looting could not be tolerated (p. 35). Sectarianism thrived in the Mughal camp even when it was obvious that the revolt was dying down. When Bahadur Shah asked his commander-in-chief to raise troops, he specifically remarked that these should be of the 'sharif qaum' or upper castes such as sayyids, Pathans and Mughals and not 'neech qaum' or lower castes (p. 318). At the height of the Rebellion in July 1857, the festival of Bakrid took place. Muslims threatened to slaughter cows during the festival. Bahadur Shah put his foot down and commanded not to let them do this. He ordered the kotwal (police chief) to round up all the cows belonging to Muslims and keep them under his custody till the festival was over. The kotwal pleaded the impracticality of the order at which the emperor asked him to take bonds from the owners not to kill them (p. 306). However, in the initial days when it seemed that the British were completely wiped out, a banner of jihad was seen raised atop the Jama Masjid on May 19. Hindus complained and Bahadur Shah ordered it to be taken down. In response, one of the senior ulema met him and admitted that the jihad had been declared against Hindus too (p. 305).
A very good survey of the cultural environment including literary pursuits and development in education is included in this book along with quotes from the ghazals and poem that exemplify the era. Adulatory verses penned by Urdu poets including Ghalib on the re-conquest of the British are provided with good effect. Opportunistic palace officials swayed with the wind and courted the British. Ghalib spared no effort to win the favour of British officials. Going one step further, he then stopped the customary couplets he used to write for the Mughals. A college was set up in Delhi which taught Arabic and Persian at first, but later included English as well which then turned out to be more popular than the former two. Persian was replaced by Urdu as the official language of correspondence and business in the 1830s. At the same time, the Governor General 'wished' that in future, correspondence with the dependent principalities would be carried out in English.
Liddle narrates the 1857 revolt and its aftermath in the life of Delhi and the Mughal dynasty. She describes the widespread massacre and loot that took place in the initial days in the city. About 50 British – mostly women and children – were rounded up and confined in a building inside the fort. They were later executed with sword. Jihadis continued their work here too. A Mrs. Aldwell and her children were spared death because they claimed they were Muslims and could recite the kalima (p. 286). Bahadur Shah's plight was unenviable. He was hesitant from the first to ally with the rebels, but he was not able to refuse the insistent and rather aggressive soldiers who invaded his palace. They did not treat him as worthy of any respect. They walked into the Diwan-e-Khas and stood on the carpets with their shoes on. Some of them addressed him as 'arre badshah' and took the liberty of touching his hand and beard. His orders were frequently flouted and it was said that his official seal was used by whichever of those around him pleased. The princes and their sons joined the rebels and took part in looting around the city for which they had to pay with their lives. Bahadur Shah's 'reign' lasted only four months. The British retook the city and shot the emperor's sons and grandsons, with and without trial. Shah, along with his close relatives were exiled to Rangoon where he died four years later at the age of 87. His wife, Zeenat Mahal, lived on in penury till 1882. Jawan Bakht, another son who did not participate in the rebellion, became an alcoholic and died in 1884 at the age of 42 and thereby the Mughal dynasty was snuffed out. The exact location of the emperor's grave was soon forgotten. Though a memorial now exists, it is only approximately where the grave is believed to be located. The British initially considered demolishing the Jama Masjid and Eidgah in Delhi but returned it to Muslims in 1862 on the condition that it was subject to the scrutiny and surveillance of civil and military officers who should be able to enter without restrictions as to shoes (p. 345).
The book is a very good one for getting to know Delhi in the transition period of the medieval merging into the modern. Even though it may appear heartless to say so, but the Mughals had had to go, because with such an anachronistic millstone around the neck, India could not have stepped on to the modern stage. Perhaps India would have spared the evils of partition a century later if the Mughals had continued, but the religious strife would've been unmanageable. The lesser evil is partition anyway. The book also contains a fine collection of paintings and rare, old photographs of the era. What is evident in the portraits is that the Mughal empire, as well as the individual rulers, had greyed beyond any use. The pictures of Akbar II and Bahadur Shah show two geriatrics appearing as if slightly confused about what was going on around them. The book also hosts a very fine discussion on the development of public education with a distinct oriental and English flavour. The vestiges of a PhD thesis are present in the work but this in no way disturbs the readers nor the reading experience is compromised. There are 956 end-notes and a bibliography spanning several pages. The title of the book is derived from an Urdu poem of the period lamenting the collapse of the city after 1857 penned by Sabir which runs:
"So unjustly have the buildings been razed in Delhi
It is fitting to inscribe in the shikastah the account of Delhi"
and shikasta means 'broken script'.
The book is highly recommended.
Rating: 4 Star
