Friday, June 26, 2015

Inside Central Asia




Title: Inside Central Asia
Author: Dilip Hiro
Publisher: Harper Collins 2010 (First published 2009)
ISBN: 9788172239725
Pages: 448

As the title deservedly implies, the book provides a definitive political and cultural history of the Central Asian republics of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkey and Iran. The last two are not central Asian in geography, but shares the same cultural mindset as those who are. These states passed through three distinct phases from medieval tribalism to the present time. Pre-revolutionary Tsars forcefully annexed the states that underwent a radical change under the Communists. The countries’ Muslim population lost their religious moorings in the surge of atheist propaganda. But the Islamic spirit lay dormant under the skin which erupted when state oppression melted away with glasnost and perestroika. At present, these states maintain an uneasy balance between autocracy and theocracy. The link between all the central Asian states is still strong, as seen from the close similarity in the socio-political fields among all of them. All this is presented in a vibrant way by Dilip Hiro, who is based in London and writes for many newspapers and magazines. Being the author of more than thirty books, he is an acknowledged commentator on Islamic and west Asian affairs. The bulk of the text covers the two decades from 1988 to 2008, that is, the onset of Soviet Union’s unraveling and the firm establishment of regimes professing democratic spirit of the ‘central Asian variety’!

Hiro successfully paints the portrait of the politically downward-going nation of Turkey. The country possesses a strange admixture of moderate Islam and fundamentalist secularism sown by the founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Turkey is a secular, democratic republic by all outward appearances, but what is apparent from the author’s insightful narrative is that secularism runs only skin deep in the modern Turkish society excepting a bunch of die-hard secularists having vested interests in the continuation of the regime – the military, for example. Since the country imposes strict conditions on its citizens’ freedom of expression, the true democratic spirit is also wanting. The extra-democratic sword of the military and its ally, the Constitutional Court, hovers above the free debates and polls of the Turkish parliament. Whenever the parliamentarians decide on a policy that is not approved by the military, it enters the picture, sometimes forcefully, to get the decision annulled and the erring politicians debarred from public life for extended periods. As per the country’s constitution, no citizen is allowed to indulge in activities that weaken the secular fabric of the nation. However, this noble guideline is extended arbitrarily to suppress even personal freedom as to ban the use of women’s head scarves in universities and other government offices. Two-thirds of Turkish women use head scarves while out of their homes. How can you call the regime a democracy that deny the right of a significant share of its women to appear in an attire of their choice, in which they are comfortable? We condemn ISIS and Taliban when they forcefully impose the veil against the wearer’s will. By the same token, the Turkish secularists’ prescription of removing the veil against the wearer’s will should also be condemned. However, it can’t be doubted that the Islamists are gaining more and more ground with each general election, and it is likely that those who are now on the defensive may switch over to an offensive posture in a not-too-distant future. Militant Islam is clever enough to hold its tongue when a strong administration is in place, as is seen in the other chapters when the Communists held the Islamists on the palm of their hands in the central Asian republics. Perhaps the day is not far off when Turkey finally bows its head to the crushing yoke of Sharia law. Hiro correctly identifies the reason for the downfall, even though the society was given an impressive head start by Ataturk. The factors zeroed in are the absence of universal education, aggressive advocacy of nationalism even at the expense of cultural minorities, corruption in government and the autocratic bent of the state machinery. The chapter on Turkey is very illuminating and provides a warning note to Turkish people of the dangers ahead.

When the Communist regime in Soviet Union under Gorbachev floundered, the central Asian republics promptly parted ways with the Russian masters and declared independence on their own. As soon as the overlordship was removed, party bosses in the provinces assumed executive power, hesitatingly at first, but after that with full autocratic paraphernalia. The book narrates several instances spanning all the five former Soviet states – in which the dictator, who was also a party boss just a few years ago – systematically curtailing freedom of expression and the right to form associations. Some of the methods described are quite novel and authoritarian regimes around the world may get a lesson or two, harping on to the ideas practiced. In order to form a political party, the organizers have to prove that all regions, religions and races are represented in their membership. They tour the provinces and collect signatures as a precondition to contest elections. What would happen if an organized gang suddenly pounce upon the collection of signatures and destroy it, with hardly a few days left to register for the elections? This unlikely scenario indeed did happen in central Asia more than once! Surprisingly, the requirement of multi-regional presence had been the sharpest weapon with which the authorities cut down on political freedom.

Hiro shows the condescending attitude exhibited by the western powers towards the leaders of central Asian states, with reference to the lack of personal freedom and democratic institutions under their administrations. The British ambassador to Uzbekistan reached the height of insolence when he publicly chided the president of the country, Islam Karimov, in a function marked to honour visiting European delegates. To the consternation of Uzbek authorities and on live television, the ambassador went on a tirade against the autocratic practices, with the president squeaming in his chair in the dais. When Turkmenistan’s president Niyazov wanted to visit the U.S, it failed to extend diplomatic invitation citing the country’s poor human rights record. Niyazov made the trip as a private visit, in which he was not even allowed entry to the White House. The Turkmen regime forged photos that depicted their president having a chat with the U.S president to show off to their people their ruler’s international clout. This immature step on the part of western powers however cost them dearly. All the central Asian states were thus driven into the open arms of Russia and China. They lost a great opportunity to ensure the contribution of the erstwhile socialist Muslim states in the fight against terror or in extracting oil and precious metals from the resource-rich republics.

Readers get a revealing picture of the Turkish identity that is a common legacy for all the central Asian states and Turkey. The saga of the hunting people in the Altai Mountains of western Mongolia who came to dominate a large part of Asia is still unsung. Except the chapters on Iran and Tajikistan, all others tell the story of how pan-Turkism is a repeating rhythm in the socio-political lives of the nations. Hiro deftly ends each chapter with an idea that points directly to the next chapter, thereby keeping the chain of interest unbroken. The text is enriched by the author’s visit to the places which he describes and the readers are rewarded with a hearty sketch of the exotic places. The book also dispels a deeply routed faith of most Indian readers that the Mahabharata is the world’s longest epic poem with 200,000 lines of verse. Kyrgyzstan boasts that the Epic of Manas comprise of 500,000 lines of verse, helping it occupy the pole position. The Introduction and Summary and Conclusions form the limits in which the text of the book is sandwiched. The book has a good index and an impressive list of books suggested for further reading. The Notes impart authenticity to the ideas and attests to the effort that had gone in research.

Notwithstanding all these, it cannot be denied that a subtle trace of repetitiveness runs throughout the text, but the blame should not be heaped solely on the author. Autocratic governments, violence-ridden political activity, widespread corruption, revival of political Islam and the rush between the West, Russia, China and the regional powers to claim stakes in the central Asian economies – the scenario is the same everywhere you turn to. Once you have seen one, you have seen all. The maps included are very crude that don’t serve any useful purpose. The book could also have included a few colour plates of the land and people of central Asia to elicit more interest from readers.

The book is highly recommended.

Rating: 3 Star

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