Author: Debashish Mukerji
Publisher: HarperCollins India, 2021
(First)
ISBN: 9789354894138
Pages: 542
Vishwanath
Pratap Singh, popularly known as V. P. Singh, was a politician who changed the
course of national politics through his serving office as India’s finance and
defence ministers and then as its prime minister. VP is known for his untiring
crusade against corruption and unflinching commitment to social justice. Though
he has served in many capacities at the national level and in Uttar Pradesh
state, in each of his last three positions – as finance and defence minister in
Rajiv Gandhi’s cabinet and as prime minister in the subsequent Janata Dal
government – his actions made lasting changes to the national political milieu.
For a person who impacted Indian politics as profoundly as V P Singh, his
posthumous neglect is a disgrace. Not even a postal stamp has been issued in
his name, let alone a street or state-owned institution even in his native
Prayagraj. On the occasion of Singh’s 90th birth anniversary, this
biography is an effort to redress the imbalance. Debashish Mukerji was a
journalist for nearly 40 years, working with numerous reputed publications. He
has written extensively on Uttar Pradesh and on national politics.
V P
Singh is known for his fierce opposition to corruption and crony capitalism.
But this streak in his character came to light only after the death of Indira
Gandhi who was his mentor and benefactor. His entry into politics and subtle
maneuvers to acquire positions of authority are typical of a career politician
with no streaks of greatness in them. Belonging to a large zamindar family who
enjoyed the privilege of prefixing the title ‘Raja’ to their names, he donated
large tracts of land to Acharya Vinoba Bhave’s ‘Bhoodan’ movement with great
fanfare that it looked like he was trying to muster political mileage out of
it. He tried to join Congress in 1957, but was rebuffed by suspicious local
leaders who feared the rajas would take over the party. Then he cultivated Lal
Bahadur Shastri who also hailed from Prayagraj. In a public meeting in 1965, he
dramatically cut his thumb with a razor blade and used the blood that trickled
out to mark a tilak on the forehead of Shastri who was the prime minister then.
Unfortunately, Shastri died a few weeks later at Tashkent and VP switched his
loyalties to Indira Gandhi. He lobbied for a Rajya Sabha ticket but had to
settle for a nomination in the UP assembly elections, that too after several
backchannel negotiations. He bypassed all local leaders and went straight to
Indira with the help of his brother Sant Bux Singh, who was an MP.
Then
came an era in which Singh served Indira almost as a slave. Mukerji narrates
the events with dispassionate objectivity. Singh entered Indira’s cabinet in
the 1970s and continued to be loyal to her when she declared Emergency in 1975
and stifled the democratic process. He was a minister of state for commerce in
the cabinet and stood solidly with Indira even after she was thrown out of
power. His calculations proved right when she returned to power and he was made
UP chief minister in 1980. His selection was literally out of the blue and his
name had never figured in media speculation about the likely candidates. 250
out of the 309 MLAs had not even personally met him before he was made chief
minister. VP spent 31 of his first 100 days as chief minister in Delhi, seeking
prior sanction for all important decisions before announcing them. He extended
his loyalty to Sanjay Gandhi too, the all-powerful younger son of Indira and
called him an ‘avatar of Swami Vivekananda’ (p.147). After Sanjay’s untimely
death in an air crash, Congressmen wanted his elder brother Rajiv at the helm.
Showing his credentials as a sycophant, Singh appealed in a public meeting to
give them Krishna, referring to the Mahabharata episode in which Pandavas opted
for the services of an unarmed Krishna while the Kauravas settled for his
well-trained army.
The
author suggests that Rajiv Gandhi and V P Singh made an attempt to liberalize
the Indian economy in their first budget in 1985. The Left protested and they
quickly made a U-turn. The subsequent budgets firmly trod on the ‘socialist’
path until finally the economy verged on collapse and a new direction was shown
by P V Narasimha Rao in 1991. However, Singh took on the industry with a
vengeance that is rarely seen in a politician. His relentless struggle against
the Reliance group is neatly catalogued in the book. The systematic raids by
agencies rattled other industries as well, which seemed to proceed industry by
industry like textile, real estate, jewelry, cigarettes and film production.
The same business forums that had hailed his budget complained loudly, but VP
replied that ‘he had only turned the ignition on and not yet started moving’.
In his tenure as finance minister lasting two years, the country witnessed
about 6000 raids with 100,000 premises searched and half a million people
interrogated. He engaged a US investigative agency named Fairfax to spy on
Reliance without proper security clearance and finally Rajiv transferred him to
defence and then dismissed.
V P Singh is still hated by a section of the upper castes
for introducing 27 per cent reservation for OBCs, drawing on the
recommendations in the report of the second Backward Classes Commission chaired
by Bindeshwari Prasad Mandal. They accuse him of taking this step at a time
when even the OBCs were not vocally clamouring for it. Singh was in the midst
of several crises threatening his government which reached the crescendo in
August 1990 when he suddenly announced the reservation in government and public
sector jobs. This book tells a different story in which the preparations had
started right from Singh’s swearing in. The Janata Dal poll manifesto had
declared that Mandal recommendations would be implemented if it was voted to
power, but nobody took them seriously. Politicians Sharad Yadav and Ram Vilas
Paswan supervised the proceedings which were initiated by P S Krishnan who was
a secretary in the social welfare ministry of the 1956 IAS cadre from Andhra
Pradesh. Krishnan submitted a note on Mandal report to the cabinet on 1 May
1990, pointing out that enforcing it needed no parliamentary approval but a
mere executive order. VP, as prime minister, wrote to all state chief ministers
in June 1990, but only Bihar and Uttar Pradesh replied, promising their
support. Singh’s deputy, Devi Lal, had raised the flag of revolt in the
meantime seeking better prospects for his son Om Prakash Chautala. Lal was
ousted from the party on 1 Aug 1990 and Mandal issue came up in the next day’s
cabinet meeting. A meeting of the MPs of National Front was also held on 2 Aug
in which the implementation was scheduled for 7 Aug. When parliament
reconvened, Singh announced it in the Lok Sabha. The official notification was
issued on 13 Aug 1990. Many parts of India witnessed violent protests against
the measure including self-immolation. It is estimated that 152 people burnt themselves
of which 63 died. But the government stood firm. The Supreme Court stayed the
order initially, but upheld its validity after excluding the creamy layer among
OBCs. 1200 backward castes common in the Mandal list and corresponding state
lists were thus entitled to 27 per cent reservation in government jobs. It is
to be remembered here that such jobs constitute only one per cent of the total
jobs in the country, but they are better paid.
The
book is a very good read. Mukerji has made sufficient background research to present
the facts with a clear sense of direction. His style is immensely appealing
that is comparable to renowned international works of this genre. The author
examines his subject with sympathy and grace, but has never allowed his personal
emotions to cloud his judgment. Whenever criticism is due, he doles it out in
the required proportion. Though written after two decades of Singh’s demitting
office, the book has been able to present the narrative as something fresh out
of the political arena.
The
book is highly recommended.
Rating: 4 Star
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