Author: Sean McMeekin
Publisher: Penguin, 2015 (First)
ISBN: 9780718199715
Pages: 550
The
Peace of Westphalia in 1648 ushered in the concept of separation of religion
from politics of kingdoms and their interaction with neighbours. The principle
of ‘cuius regio, eius religio’ (whose realm, their religion) finally lost
relevance and the first seeds of modernity was sown in Europe. A century and a
half later, the French Revolution introduced the novel ideas of nation states
and national self-determination. While these crucial transformations were
materializing in Europe, the Islamic world stubbornly stuck to their political
creed of a caliph guiding the faithful both in temporal and spiritual matters. Ever
since Selim I hoisted the Ottoman flag in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina
in 1517 after defeating the Egyptian Mameluke dynasty, the House of Osman
jealously guarded the title of caliph. By end-nineteenth century, the Ottomans
ruled over a vast land that enveloped numerous communities distinct from each other
in ethnicity, religion, language and nationality. Persecution of Christians,
Jews and other religious minorities was rampant. However, Europe had
considerably progressed in industrial and military strength by this time. Tacit
European support encouraged the subject nations to resist Ottoman hegemony. The
period also saw Turkey, which was the seat of the Ottomans, being designated
the ‘Sick man of Europe’. Foreign powers manipulated them at their will and
carved up the empire into many pieces. With Turkey’s defeat alongside Germany
in the First World War, the process accelerated and the Ottoman Empire was
liquidated. This book narrates the events with long-lasting implications that
led to the dismemberment of the Turkish empire that spread its geographical
outreach from Morocco in the west to Persia in the east in a historically
instantaneous interval of just three decades. The core of the giant Ottoman
tree was already eaten by religio-nationalist worms and it just needed a push
to come crashing down to the ground. Sean McMeekin is a professor of history at
Bard College, New York. For some years, he taught at Bilkent University,
Istanbul. This earlier career has biased his outlook and analysis of events
mentioned in this book.
The
book may be broadly divided into four sections, the first being the period from
the deposition of Sultan Murad V and coronation of Abdul Hamid II and the
downfall of the latter. The second part describes the run up to World War I,
followed by the third part dealing with the actual war. The final section
narrates the post-war dismemberment of the empire. The first part is especially
important as it exhibits the reluctant steps with which Ottomans granted basic
civil liberties to its religious minorities. It is surprising that this
ordinary act which is taken for granted in all pluralistic societies required
the intervention of external European powers. In lieu of support in the Crimean
War, European powers demanded civic reforms which made the sultan grant
extremely basic rights to non-Muslims. As a tentative step, churches in
Istanbul were allowed to toll their bells during religious service! Apart from
the hardliners, even moderate Muslims resented the reforms claiming that they
were not sure why they had fought and died in a war so as to forfeit their
legal supremacy over the Christians and Jews. The Ottoman system was rife with
murderous intrigue and the sultan was forever anxious for his safety. Abdul
Hamid was so paranoid that army recruits were not allowed to train with live
ammunition. Naval vessels were not permitted to be armed while in port. Turkey
entered a new era when the Young Turks usurped power and installed Mehmet V as
a puppet on the throne.
We
see shocking descriptions of the religious minorities before, during and after
the Great War. Italy forcefully annexed Ottoman provinces in North Africa such
as Libya in 1912. Greek soldiers regularly skirmished with their Ottoman
counterparts. After the Great War erupted, Russia began incursions in the
northeast along the Armenian border. Whoever attacked the Ottomans, their
co-religionists were made to suffer in Turkey as hostages. As a result, they
clung to the coat tails of whoever came along and had the power to defeat the
sultan. The Sublime Porte responded by mass transfer of minority populations
inland to prevent them from joining up with the invaders. In May 1915,
Armenians were transported to the far-off and largely inhospitable Syrian
desert province of Der Zar, implying that the survival of the deportees was not
the caliph’s first priority. They were also forced to hand over their homes and
property left behind to local Muslims at fire-sale prices. Around 700,000 or
half of the Armenian population perished. This disaster, known as the Armenian Genocide
of 1915, is not given due importance in the narrative. This gives the first
hint of the author’s visible bias towards the Ottoman cause.
The
book provides a detailed review of the military activities involving Turkey in
the War. An important point to note is the Indian involvement in combat
operations. India was under colonial rule at that time and the Indian army was
extensively used to fight Britain’s war. Britain wanted to control the
Dardanelles in the north and Iraqi oil fields in the south. Tens of thousands
of Indian soldiers died in the trenches and forts of Gallipoli and Mesopotamia.
After initial successes, the invading forces were fiercely resisted by the
Ottoman troops. Meanwhile Germany who was an ally of the caliph, unleashed a
fierce propaganda campaign to characterize the war as a jihad by the caliph’s
forces against infidels. Germans assumed the role of friends of the caliph.
Kaiser Wilhelm made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Saladin at Damascus and saluted
him as a holy warrior. For his efforts, the German king was called ‘Hajji
Wilhelm’ in some circles. The propaganda made some impact among Muslims in
India and Afghanistan. This may have led to the germination of the Khilafat
agitation in India. Not to be outdone, Britain responded with appeasement
measures of its own. It docked four huge grain ships permanently on the Red Sea
to feed the population of Hijaz which contained the two holy cities.
As
we have seen earlier, this book is disappointingly partisan to the Ottoman
side. The intervention of outside powers after the war redrew national boundaries
in the middle east that do not reflect the people’s will who are fated to live
inside these artificial constructs. The Kurds are the largest group that has
not been accommodated in a proper homeland. Harping on this sense of injustice,
the author whitewashes terrorist organisations as nationalists in statements
like ‘pan-Islamic movements like Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas, Hezbollah, al Qaeda
and Islamic State all strive to erase European-imposed state boundaries’. What
is truly unbelievable is his cleverly crafted justification of massacres of
Christians that have genocidal proportions. He provides a mitigating factor for
Greek and Armenian massacres after the war ended in these words dripping with
cold, spineless self-interest: “After a war lasting three years, each one more
savage than the last, and with recent Greek atrocities nearby in mind, the
forbearance of the Turkish occupiers was not fated to last” (p.473). And so,
they plundered, burnt, raped and killed..? Disparagement of the Zionist
movement provides a sideshow to the eventful history. It all ended with the
Lausanne Convention which transferred wholesale populations between Turkey and
Greece to make the partition effective and complete. The book shifts the focus
quickly and too frequently from the micro to the macro perspectives, thereby
confusing the readers. The book is somewhat large and a little tiresome with
very small font size of the text.
The
book is recommended.
Rating:
2 Star
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