Saturday, September 1, 2018

In Defence of Honour and Justice




Title: In Defence of Honour and Justice – Sepoy Rebellions in the Nineteenth Century
Author: Sabyasachi Dasgupta
Publisher: Primus Books, 2015 (First)
ISBN: 9789384082062
Pages: 143

The armed rebellion of the soldiers (named sepoys) of the English East India Company in 1857 marked the end of the medieval period in India. Much research has taken place to identify the causes and factors that resulted in this unprecedented eruption of disgust against British hegemony. The immediate trigger for the mutiny was the introduction of new Enfield rifle bullets that were greased with a mixture obtained from the body fat of cows and swine. The soldier had had to bite the bullet out from its envelope and it was quite natural to assume that a portion of the grease would be consumed by them. Eating cow’s flesh was anathema to Hindus and a similar kind of revulsion was shown by Muslims to eating pork. For the first time in Indian history, Hindus and Muslims came together to hit back at their common enemy. North Indian garrison towns rose up in flames at the wrath of soldierly fury. The British could not digest the truth that the same sepoys whom they had recruited, trained and employed could turn against them on the seemingly ‘silly’ issue of a greased cartridge. The Europeans and some Indians who mimicked them could not estimate the anguish that ran behind such displays of vehement opposition to any sleight on the sense of honour and justice of the Indian society. This book looks into the history of dissent in the English East India Company’s army and the causes that fueled it. It delves deep into the building up of a corporate identity of the sepoys as army men as against their attachment to and involvement in the civilian society. Sabyasachi Dasgupta is a Professor of History at Visvabharati University in Shantiniketan, West Bengal. He has many years of experience in teaching history and is the author of many books on Indian armies of the nineteenth century.

Colonial Indian army was divided into three distinct units of Bengal, Bombay and Madras. These three functioned independently and sometimes against each other too. The 1857 Rebellion was fought solely by the Bengal army while the other two helped the British quell the insurrection. The Europeans were very careful in recruiting soldiers from prominent caste groups. People from middle castes and Muslims formed the bulk of the Madras army whereas high castes from Hindustan constituted the major share in the other two. Here again, British tolerance of native customs demanded by the high castes also varied considerably. In Bombay, the sepoys were expected to follow military discipline without any room for personal or caste preferences. They were also required to serve overseas, thereby violating a long-standing practice of upper castes in India not to cross the seas. Compared to these two, the high caste sepoys in the Bengal army seemed to be a pampered lot having a free rein on following caste-based customs and rituals. These sepoys refused to strike the gong at the Quarter Guard and special men called 'ghanta pandeys' were recruited for the purpose. Each individual soldier in the Bengal army cooked for himself, to remove the risk of pollution by the touch of a lower-caste worker. Overseas service was voluntary for them. While going on furlough, they were asked to bring in relatives and friends from their villages who were desirous of joining the army. Dasgupta takes great pains to establish the social links the Bengal sepoys maintained with their villages.

The author presents a clear picture of the reasons that lie behind mutinies or general dissent. They were connected to issues of honour and justice, paternalist relations, structures of deference and the overarching issue of identity formation as soldiers. He analyses three mutinies that took place before 1857 - Vellore 1806, Quilon 1812 and Barrackpore 1824. The cause of the Vellore mutiny is remarkably similar to the big one in 1857. The military authorities issued an order at Vellore forbidding caste marks on the foreheads of sepoys in uniform and enjoined them to remove facial hair. A new turban was also introduced, which looked like the European hat and contained leather fasteners. The sepoys rose up in revolt and killed many British men. After the mutiny was brutally suppressed, the military rescinded the orders and thus patched up the relationship. Dasgupta mentions that Mangal Pandey, who at Barrackpore made the first spark of the mutiny on 29 Mar 1857 might have attacked European officers under the apparent influence of bhang. We can only hope that the author has sufficient evidence at hand in specifying the use of a narcotic substance even though it was commonly used in the country at that time. Otherwise, it can be taken only as an act of mud-slinging at a national hero, who fought against its colonial masters.

Much resentment in the colonial army came about when an affront or provocation was sensed against notions of honour and justice of the sepoys. They underwent hardships and privation if they believed the cause was just. It was not the consideration of wages alone that motivated them even though the British viewed these people as mostly mercenaries. During the Maratha War of 1803-4 and against Hyder Ali, they were not paid for months, but still remained loyal on the face of alluring offers made by the enemy. The sepoys expected the fulfillment of certain demands linked to their social status and adherence to certain customs and conventions in return for deference to military mores. The early British officers maintained a paternalistic approach towards the sepoys, admonishing them harshly for any shortcomings while praising for good deeds. Since the European officer seemed a father-figure, the soldiers obeyed him out of emotions akin to filial piety. Racism was still rampant and some of the masters continued to inflict arbitrary violence, but the relationships did not sour to the point of mutiny. The Europeans even cohabited with Indian women. But with advances in transportation and communication technology, the distance between India and England was virtually reduced by several orders of magnitude with the arrival of English women on their search for suitable grooms. The English became isolated from the natives and socializing between masters and servants were frowned upon. A chasm suddenly yawned between sepoys and their commanding officers.

Dasgupta reserves a full chapter for an informative discussion on the nature of punishments meted out to sepoys and whether it served as a credible deterrent for future good behaviour. It may be remembered that exalting the rural peasant as a highly trained soldier was at the sole behest of the company. Native Indian armies had no concept of a uniform dress for the fighters. That and the collective training through drills were introduced for the first time. Earlier, the Indian infantry troops did not fight in formation and the accent was on individual bravery and initiative. As a corollary, the punishments were also severe by Indian standards. Death sentences were very common for unpardonable offenses like desertion and group defiance. Mild sentences included flogging and dismissal through a court martial. Riding on the wave of humane reforms introduced by Bentinck, the corporal punishment was discontinued in 1835.

This book is written in the low-key, but distinctly audible tone of an academic paper. Dasgupta uses the old style place names like Palamkottah, Umballa and such, which are sometimes taxing on the readers to discern the intended localities. This is caused by the direct use of names found in colonial records, but its contemporary names would have served the purpose better. The narration is objective and no nationalist fervor has vitiated the power of observation of the author.

The book is highly recommended.

Rating: 3 Star




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