Title:
The Spy Chronicles – RAW, ISI and the Illusion of
Peace
Author:
Dulat A S, Asad Durrani and Aditya Sinha
Publisher:
HarperCollins India, 2018 (First)
ISBN:
9789352779253
Pages:
319
There
is a marked see-saw pattern in the relationship between India and Pakistan.
Whenever hope begins to build up as a result of a bold initiative from a
determined leader, extremist elements in Pakistan find a way to scuttle the
momentum already built up. When Vajpayee made the famous bus journey to Lahore,
the Pakistani military responded with an invasion of Kargil and attacks on the
Indian Parliament and Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly buildings. When
things began to improve under Manmohan Singh, 26/11 happened in which a group
of terrorists sponsored by and trained in Pakistan attacked civilian targets in
Mumbai, gunning down 168 people in a matter of a few hours. When Narendra Modi
made an unannounced visit on the occasion of Premier Nawaz Sharif’s
granddaughter’s wedding, the belligerent wings of the Pakistani establishment
sabotaged the goodwill by making brazen suicide attacks against Indian military
camps at Pathankot and Uri. Evidently, there is something missing in the wider
picture presented by government sources, a crucial missing link without which
relations with Pakistan could not be normalized. Backchannel, or Track II
diplomacy of using non-governmental, informal or unofficial contacts and
activities between private citizens are regularly employed to supplement
efforts through official channels. Here, two of the most leading spymasters of
both countries – Amarjeet Singh Dulat of India and Asad Durrani of Pakistan –
come together and discuss the issues pestering the countries by sitting across a
table. Dulat was Secretary of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) in 1999-2000,
while General Durrani was Director-General of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)
in 1990-91. Their comments and speeches are codified by Aditya Sinha, a writer
and journalist living on the outskirts of Delhi.
The
book is endowed with two introductions penned by each participant. It is
written as a dialog between Dulat and Durrani. This was a technique used by
authors to deflect criticism from them while handling potentially incendiary
subjects. Galileo’s book ‘The Two Chief
World Systems’, in which he declared that the earth goes round the sun is
one such volume. It examined the merits and defects of world systems in which
the sun and the earth were at the centre of the universe respectively. This
being a highly controversial topic, Galileo was forced to go for the cover of
an alias in the character of a scholar portrayed in the book. But Sinha has no
aliases. Whatever opinion given in the book is attributed to either of the two
dignitaries, who are also very good friends. They have worked together in the
past too, with two joint projects on intelligence cooperation and on Kashmir. An
interesting feature of the subcontinent is that the elite of both countries
interact freely with each other either in bouts of overseas education or
training programs. Needless to say, the dialog is amply lubricated with liberal
doses of Scotch. One wonders why this camaraderie at the top is not percolated
down to lower levels. Sinha narrates a case in which Durrani’s son was saved
from a nasty bureaucratic deadlock in Mumbai in 2015 when he visited that city
which was not in his approved visa regimen. He was not allowed to board an
international flight to Germany. The proper intervention by Dulat cleared the
situation. However, his assertion that there is little hostility towards
Pakistan outside Delhi is just wishful thinking. Dulat has seen only the upper
circles of Indian society.
Kashmir,
the central issue that divides the two countries, gets ample attention in the
dialog. If we look at the history of partition, this too may be thought of only
as a recent manifestation of the fundamental divide – whether a Muslim majority
province can stay under a Hindu majority nation. Kashmir issue began only in
1947, but the Indian and Pakistani nations – if we accept Jinnah’s argument for
a while – were already divided even while living under British hegemony. It is
also fairly certain that once the Kashmir issue is amicably resolved, some
other business would take its place as a bone of contention. Here, both
participants agree that a forward movement is required. Resumption of trade and
encouragement of people-to-people contact between the two parts of Kashmir are
advocated. Kashmir comes up for discussion in most of the chapters, but no
coherent view is presented by anybody. The unfocussed discussion points to a
change in US attitude to Kashmir post-9/11. Freedom fighters became terrorists
overnight and its ambassador at Delhi forbade its officials from visiting
Srinagar.
Dulat
and Durrani were at the heads of their profession of espionage, but those who
expect them to open up too much are in for disappointment – they are too
seasoned professionals for that. Dulat tantalizingly mentions that RAW gave an
intelligence report to Pakistan that might have saved the life of President
Pervez Musharraf in 2003, but does not elaborate on it. Not to be outdone,
Durrani lets out the secret that Nawaz Sharif was informed of the Kargil
invasion masterminded by Musharraf. Kargil region came in Indian hands after
the 1971 war and Musharraf always wanted to get it back. Even with his
belligerence, Durrani estimates that Musharraf’s tenure was the best in mutual
relations. Durrani is unimpressed by the surgical strike by India in 2016. By
that term, he means an operation that drops Special Forces some 200 km behind
enemy lines to attack a specific object. This was not the case and the target
was only a few hundred yards across the border. He then suggests that it might
have been a choreographed strike with concurrence from Pakistan. In any case,
it can only be termed as a ‘modified
hot pursuit’. The part played by the Media is criticized by both experts who term
it as an enemy of peace. Modi government is hawkish and muscular and Durrani
comments that it would be compelled to respond to force with force under the
perpetual glare of the Media. Durrani also guesses that Osama bin Laden might
probably have been handed over by Pakistan. It is amazing that even under the
spell of a decent amount of alcohol, the former spy chiefs manage to keep their
mouths shut when strategic interests are at stake. They divulge only those
details that are already known and available from other sources.
Durrani
served in the army while Dulat was in the police service. Both of them harbor
an emotion akin to contempt for professional diplomats who are tasked with the
burden of maintaining good relations between nations. They are said to be
unnecessarily strident in their deals. In the end, it might ultimately be the
soldiers who have to answer for the follies of the diplomats in the
battlefields. As a soldier, Durrani acknowledges the inevitability of war in
certain circumstances. To completely rule out war is definitely not feasible.
While it must not be the instrument of policy, it should be retained as an
extension of it. Without war, there are aims that cannot be achieved.
Bangladesh would not have been won without war.
The
book contains a good discussion on the means to go forward in normalizing
India-Pakistan relations. Dulat’s suggestions stress only on increasing people
to people contacts and are superfluous, considering the religious makeup of the
two countries. While India maintains a large Muslim minority, Pakistan has
virtually eliminated its Hindu minority by murder, arson, conversion and forced
migration to India. The Muslims of both countries might thus find their
relatives living in the other country, but not the Hindus. It is hence evident
that more popular interactions serve the interests of only one community.
Without mindful of the consequences of opening up India indiscriminately to
Pakistanis of all sorts, Dulat proposes to allow more Pakistani actors in Bollywood,
more Pakistani players in IPL, easier visa norms and softer borders. He recommends
nothing Pakistan should do in return. It is disappointing that Dulat is unable
to think of anything substantial and his ideas hint at the disaster it would invite
in India if he was allowed to carry on negotiations with our western neighbour.
It is suggestive that Durrani does not share any such absurd notions. He
proposes the setting up of a consultative body to resolve bilateral conflicts
as and when they arise. This seems to be a better and genuine idea than that of
Dulat’s preposterous pitch for a union of the two Punjabs in India and
Pakistan.
The
book does not enrich readers with any new idea. They have to put up with the
idle chitchat of two retired officials over a glass of whiskey. Some
photographs are included, but it would have been fit to remain in the family
albums of the two officials as no public interest is served by them.
Altogether, the book conveys the realization of a lost opportunity.
The
book is recommended.
Rating:
2 Star
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