The Untold Vajpayee

Title: The Untold Vajpayee – Politician and Paradox

Author: Ullekh N P

Publisher: Viking Penguin, 2017 (First)

ISBN: 9780670088782

Pages: 272

Atal Bihari Vajpayee was born as the son of a primary school teacher in rural India and went on to become the country's first non-Congress Prime Minister who lasted the full term of office. A born orator and moderate by conviction, Vajpayee commanded respect across party lines. His admirers and well-wishers in other parties described him as ‘a good man in a bad party’. He built bridges across national boundaries in a genuine bid for rapprochement with neighbouring countries. His love of poetry, unconventional family life and a flair for material comforts marked him out as a different kind of politician who is honest and down to earth. After the tenure of six years as prime minister, Vajpayee retired from active public life in 2005. That was a descent to oblivion as he developed Alzheimer's disease and suffered a stroke in 2009 which took away his power of speech. He was removed from public view as well and passed away peacefully on August 16, 2018. His death is an unforgettable memory for me on a personal level. It was the day on which a devastating flood ravaged Keralaand thousands of people, including me, had to leave their homes with the rising water level. I noticed Vajpayee’s obituary on a restaurant television while waiting despairingly for food in a corner, hungry and exhausted. This book is a critical review of Vajpayee’slife by Ullekh N.P., who is a journalist and political commentator. He has worked for almost two decades with some of India's biggest news publications.

Vajpayee began his career by joining the RSS in 1948, atthe ‘late’ age of 24, and became associated with the Jana Sangh after his mentor Shyama Prasad Mukherjee’s unexpected and mysterious death in the custody of the Jammu and Kashmir police. He fought in a by-election to Lucknow Lok Sabha seat, but came third with 28% of the votes. In the second general election in 1957 he contestedin threeLok Sabha seats simultaneously. He won in Balrampur, came second in Lucknow and lost deposit in Mathura. The Jana Sangh ended up with only fourseats in the House, while the Communist Party of India became the foremost opposition with 27 seats. However, Vajpayee proved himself as a leader of the masses and his oratorical skills mesmerized the audience in public rallies and meetings Jana Sangh would have remained a marginal party in Indian politics had Indira Gandhi not went ahead with her populist economic policies that polarized the economy. The financialmeltdown caused by on-the-spur nationalisation of crucial businesses evoked strong opposition to the ruling Congress, spearheaded by the veteran socialist leader Jayaprakash Narayan known as JP. Jana Sangh’s affiliation with the JP movement proved the crucial turning point. With the help of his trusted colleague L K Advani, Vajpayee firmed up their bid to align with the JP movement as part of a grand strategy to transform the Sangh into a larger political entity attractive to people outside its core constituency. They met JP and impressed upon him that their party was not ‘fascist and bigoted’, but a disciplined entity with upright and selfless workers (p.72).

Parliament provided the opportunity to Vajpayee to understand his and his party’s limitations and then go beyond them. It smoothened his sharp edges as an aggressive Hindu nationalist to a statesman. Though he ruthlessly cut down rivals in verbal duels during parliamentary debates, he obtained friends even from the opposing political spectrum. Ullekh notes down instances when the Jana Sangh and even the CPI made political alliances. The Sangh’salliance with the CPI to form the SamyuktaVidhayakDal to unseat the Congress was a case in point. Strange it may seem, but opposition to such analliance came from the Sangh, the hardliners of which viewed the Communist Party as a plague in Indian politics. This alliance was repeated in 1977, 1989 and 1991 as well. This book presents a case on the other end of the political divide as well. Rajiv Gandhi's soft-Hindutva line is said to have found favour with the RSS who would secretly meet him to offer tips in politics (p.143). It must be remembered that Rajiv openedthe gates of the disputed structure at Ram Janmabhoomiin Ayodhyato the Hindus for worship and himself kick-started his 1989 election campaign from Ayodhya.

Ullekh comes from a family of Marxist politicians in Kannur, Kerala and his continuing contact and influence in the top echelons of CPM is an open secret. This book seems to have a hidden agenda to malign respected figures of the nation. The author does this by attacking the persons Vajpayee adored. He was in awe of the Arya Samaj foundedby DayanandSaraswati and so, Ullekhdigs up a few allegations against Saraswati himself. Vajpayee was under the spell of RSS leader Golwalkar, and hence some irrelevant facts derogatory to Golwalkarare squeezed into the narrative. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and DeendayalUpadhyaya are also made victims to this bout of mudslinging that finds its origin in communist propaganda material. A reference he takes is from the People's Democracy magazine run by the CPM (p.22 footnote 5). Then come snippets from political blogs and dubious online news services like ‘thewire.in’(p.57 footnote 8). Remarks made by noted leftist painter Chittaprosad Bhattacharya are couched in decorated attire to look like impartial opinion. Books written by Jose Kuruvachira, a Catholic priest and evangelist who indulges in religious conversions, are cited as source material for the strange criticism against Saraswati’sShuddhi movement that worked to take converted people back to the Hindu fold (p.26).

The first part of the book makes mean and baseless allegations against Vajpayee which keeps the reader wondering about the author’s true intentions in writing the book. However, the treatment is kindlier after he reached the national centre-stage. In the early period, Ullekh takes great pains to belittle Vajpayee on every count of political stock-taking. The leader is accused to nurture a public persona very different from his real one and a vaulting ambition. Counterfactual claims hurled by leftist propaganda find mention in the book such as RSS’ collusion with Indira Gandhi during Emergency. This is ironical as the organisation was banned during that period and its leaders put in jail. It was the Communists who shared power with Indira and supported the Emergency as directed by its political bosses in the Soviet Union. Then again, the book drops a hint that Vajpayee was behind the hawala scam that sidelined Advani at a crucial point in his career. Completely taken in by a remark made by Congress leader M L Fotedar, he argues that Advani's public declaration in 1995 that Vajpayee would be the party’s prime ministerial candidate was made under the influence of M L Fotedar! The author caps it up with a summary of Vajpayee’s personality as having a weakness for highly anglicized affluence-tinged personal style and elitist bearing. Needless to say, these accusations are made without the least burden of proof.

The book’s analysis is slightly more objective in the latter half of Vajpayee’s life. The 1977 elections changed the course of Indian politics and he became the minister for Foreign Affairs in the Desai cabinet. The author grudgingly concedes the foreign policy achievements made by Vajpayee’s candid approach to long-term enemies. Rapid improvements in ties with China and Pakistan became possible during his tenure. A unique accomplishment for Ullekh is his exemplary description of Vajpayee’s style of public speaking on page 112. I think nobody has expressed this in a better way. Several chapters are earmarked for his years as prime minister, of which the pride of place is given to the nuclear testing in 1998 which subjected the country to economic sanctions imposed by the US. The only thing on which the Indian Left and the US converge is their opposition to India's testing of nuclear devices! Both condemned it to the hilt and the author suggests that it was unnecessary because China, supposedly in its goodwill, had declared a unilateral ceasefire in 1962 (p.190). Release of terrorists in response to the hijacking of a passenger plane in 1999 may arguably be the lowest point in his career.

This book clarifies two aspects of Vajpayee’s career over with much have been argued. The author confirms that he had not praised Indira Gandhi by comparing her to Goddess Durga in the aftermath of the 1971 War. What he had done was to laud her resilience in the face of grave challenges (p.82). Also, in 1984 when Delhi was burning in an anti-Sikh riot stage-managed by the Congress party with the implicit approval of the government, Vajpayee rescued a few Sikhs by bravely interposing between them and a riotous mob trying to get their hands on them. He held his ground till the police arrived.

The book displays a typical leftist propensity to pass spiteful comments on national leaders whose lives are not even linked to the narrative. A list of such eminent men was given earlier and the names of the Rani of Jhansi and Nana Sahib are to be added here. The author slyly suggests that the Rani fought the British for personal motives than patriotism as the annexation of Awadh in 1856 had deprived her and Nana Sahib of their status and income (p.11). This needless remark comes when Vajpayee’s life in Gwalior is mentioned. The book is poorly researched as there is not much description on Vajpayee’s early life in the RSS and Jana Sangh. But the author somewhat makes up for this with a good description of the post-1977 years.

The book is recommended only to those who can see through the political purpose and left-leaning of the author.

Rating: 3 Star