Ten Days That Shook the World

Title: Ten Days That Shook the World
Author: John Reed
Publisher: Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1987 (First published 1919)
ISBN: Nil
Pages: 336

The Socialist Revolution in Russia in 1917 actually consists of two phases - in February and October, as per the old Russian calendar and in March and November as per the reformed one. The first part of the revolution, which forced Tsar Nicholas II to step down was staged under the leadership of socialist allies, of which Lenin’s Bolsheviks of the far left variety played only a minor part. A provisional government headed by Alexander Kerensky assumed office but faced immense challenges right from day one. Russia was fighting in World War I against Germany but the battlefront lengthened interminably without any definite results while at the same time bleeding Russia in resources and manpower. Kerensky’s government became unpopular and it employed repressive measures to clamp down on the protests. Bolsheviks called the March revolution a democratic revolution and also bourgeois. Peace at the German border, land for peasants and control of factories to workers were the rallying cry of the revolution. The provisional regime, most importantly, failed to control the Bolsheviks who formed governing councils (soviets) in every sphere of political and economic activity. After ensuring support from soldiers, the Bolsheviks struck on Nov 7, wresting the control of Petrograd (now Saint Petersburg) from the socialists. Kerensky fled and the ten days in which the second revolution began paved the way for the communist takeover of Russia. After a civil war that lasted until 1923-24, the Soviet Union was established. John Reed was an American journalist, poet and socialist labour activist who stayed in Russia during the heady days of revolution and reported on it. This book is a first-hand experience of Reed of the first ten days of the revolution. Not content at being a passive spectator, he took up arms in 1918 for the Bolsheviks. Reed died in 1920 in Russia, at the age of 33, of typhus and was buried in Red Square, beneath the Kremlin Wall.

A crucial thing to remember is that there was strong opposition to the Bolshevik line among the revolutionaries and workers and peasants of Russia. The major rivals were Mensheviks who included socialists who believed that society must progress by natural evolution toward socialism and that the working class must conquer political power first. The Bolsheviks wanted immediate proletarian insurrection and seizure of the reins of government in order to hasten the coming of socialism by forcibly taking over industry, land, natural resources and financial institutions. Both sides denounced the other as counterrevolutionaries. Even after the arrest of some members of the provisional government on Nov 7, the bourgeoisie were complacent, thinking that the Bolsheviks would not remain in power for more than three days. This was a costly blunder. Instead of three days, they clung on to power for 74 long years, till 1991. The peasants were not supportive of the Bolsheviks because even though the land was confiscated from the rich landowners, they had no intention to pass it on to the ownership of peasants because they abolished all private property. Lenin remarked that ‘if socialism can only be realized when the intellectual development of all the people permit it, then we shall not see socialism for at least 500 years’ (p.240). The Bolsheviks took a great risk by plunging headlong into armed combat as extorted by Lenin. The Bolsheviks had firepower in the form of a section of loyal soldiers, but the economic life and labour force in the government, railways and communications were with the socialists. Power was quickly usurped by the Military Revolutionary Committee and the Petrograd soviet of workers’ and soldiers’ deputies by deposing the provisional regime and arresting serving ministers. The Bolsheviks were accused to be German agents by their opponents throughout the struggle which was a time of intense political activity. People eagerly listened to speeches on street corners with great interest and either condemned or praised the speakers based on their arguments. Newspapers were eagerly sought for and whatever little money they had was spent on them so as to become aware of the latest goings on. Bolsheviks, who included the author, claimed that the ‘reactionaries’ preferred military defeat at the hands of Germany than to cooperate with Bolshevik soviets. Coal mine owners in Kharkov fired and flooded their own mines and engineers in the textile factories of Moscow put the machinery out of order.

Reed provides an eyewitness account of the revolutionary takeover of Russia and that’s why this book still motivates communists. I first came to know of this book as referred in a social media post of a left politician in Kerala who praised it profusely. But the situation in Russia in those ten days was really grim and it requires not a small bit of ruthlessness to still be able to feel proud of it. Week by week food became scarcer that eventually bread completely went missing. Robberies and house-breakings increased. Unions of all types of workers developed a truculent stance. Waiters and hotel-servants refused to take tips feeling that the customers were insulting them by doing so. The Petrograd garrison was ordered to the front lines, partly to rid them off the city, but they declined. The soviet of soldiers defied the provisional regime and openly sided with the Bolsheviks which turned out to be a shot in the arm for the latter. The military revolutionary committee quickly seized the arsenal of Petrograd. Reed also describes how the civilian populace lived oblivious to the fighting that went on in a part of the city. While gun fight was going on in the Winter Palace which housed the administration, life was going on as usual in streets a few blocks away. Reed comments that all the theatres were open, but it was more exciting outdoors. Trams were moving, crowds were milling around and electric signs of moving picture shops glittered brilliantly. The author witnessed the discipline of the revolutionary soldiers and Red Guards who were just starting to loot material from the Winter Palace. People shouted at them to put everything back as it was the property of the people. The things were crammed back in their places and self-appointed sentinels stood guard. This is to be taken with a pinch of salt. Bolsheviks’ victory was also aided by the tactless antics of Kerensky. When he reached Tsarskoye Selo near Petrograd, he commanded the army unit stationed there to surrender. The soldiers replied that they’d remain neutral, but would not disarm. This was true, since the soldiers were governing themselves by committees for eight months after the March revolution. Kerensky was annoyed at this insubordination and gave them ten minutes in which to obey. This smacked of the old regime. A few minutes later, the artillery opened fire on the barracks and all neutral troops went over to the Bolsheviks.

The communist regime in the Soviet Union was notorious for silencing voices of opposition and abusing human rights. Even though Stalin is often portrayed to be at the pinnacle of repression, all leaders were complicit in this crime against humanity to some degree. We find in this book that Lenin was also of this mould. Signs of authoritarianism were evident right from the first day of the revolution, after the Bolsheviks captured power. One delegate dared to oppose Lenin’s motion to issue an offer of peace. The author notes smugly that ‘the sudden, sharp outburst around him brought the hand swiftly down’ (p. 121). The peasants’ soviet was initially not on board, supporting the socialists led by Kerensky, but they were brought on line by coercion. Bolsheviks immediately shut down opposing newspapers on the ground that the capitalists who run them would poison the minds of the people. Freedom of opinion thus went down the drain. Advertisements were made the monopoly of the official, state-run newspapers, thereby restraining the income of private newspapers. The municipal council, called Duma, was forcibly dissolved. A new election was called in a week which most parties boycotted. The result was a foregone conclusion and expectedly, the Bolsheviks bagged a big majority. The class disparagingly called bourgeoisie was treated as sub-human. A questionnaire was issued to them in which they had to declare their incomes and apparel, down to the number of underwear they possessed (p. 305). The bloodlust which was lying dormant in some leaders came out in the open once they started to rule the land. There was a bitter civil war raging and a lot of fraternal killing occurred. In retaliation Trotsky demanded to kill five opponents for each Bolshevik killed in battle.

Readers get a glimpse of some of the peculiar features of Bolshevik as well as Russian administrations in general. One is the privilege and awe in which bureaucracy was held which can be judged from the status and entitlement one obtained by possessing a piece of paper duly stamped and endorsed by a seat of authority. Getting a pass assuring entry to restricted places was a great thing. Reed proudly reproduces many photos of such passes he possessed, but getting in without having to show the pass at the gate was greater still. In fact, that was the privilege flaunted by party bosses. The author remarks it to be a characteristic of the country and coins it as ‘Russian respect for documents’. The sentimental importance of the city of Moscow to Russian values is emphasized in the book. Petrograd was the seat of the government for over a century, but it still was an artificial city. The author argues that Moscow was, is and will be Russia and the true feeling of the Russian people can only be had there. The communist regime was noted for its contempt to religion and its institutions as evidenced by instances of transforming places of worship to other uses such as wine storage in later times. Reed ascribes a lack of religious sentiment to the working classes in toto. This is because he didn’t see any priest attending the funeral of the revolutionaries killed in street battles. He then claims that the Russian people no longer needed priests to ‘pray them into heaven’, because ‘they were building a kingdom on earth more bright than any heaven had to offer and for which it was a glory to die’.

The book is graced with an introduction penned by Lenin himself. He certifies that it was a truthful exposition of the revolution and recommends it wholeheartedly to the international labour movement. It is likely that rather than the content, it is this endorsement that makes this book dear to leftists all over the world. Many of the fine details, such as the outcomes of meetings, standings of prominent persons in the hierarchy and analysis of local press reports are either wrong or not aligning with the official party narrative. The publisher frequently clarifies the points through footnotes on the appropriate pages. The book is a piece of communist propaganda and this fact comes out plainly on each page in the book. Still, as a mirror of the tumultuous period which changed the destiny of the world's largest nation, this book should be read by all readers.

The book is recommended.

Rating: 3 Star